女性解放与政治解放的互动——以土地革命时期的农村妇女动员为例

在传统的农业社会中,女性是政治的绝缘体。在革命的过程中,中国共产党如何动员占总人口半数左右的农村妇女参与革命是个难点。本文运用政治动员的视角来梳理共产党动员农村妇女参加革命的社会背景与方法路径：将女性解放与政治解放相结合,一方面使前者依附于后者,另一方面,女性解放并非处于完全被动的局面,二者之间形成的良性互动使农村妇女的革命动员顺利实现。     

Voting in the rain: the impact of rain on participation in open-air assemblies

ABSTRACT

The analysis of how weather conditions influence participation at the ballot and whether bad weather influences ballot decisions has recently gained momentum. This paper analyses the influence of rain on participation in the Landsgemeinde – the main decision-making body of two Swiss cantons, wherein citizens meet on the main square in order to debate and decide bindingly on political matters of all sorts. We rely on a survey with an in-built conjoint experiment that presents citizens with several hypothetical Landsgemeinde situations characterized by randomly varied combinations of weather and other conditions such as outcome favorability, the expected closeness of the vote and the company available during the event. We find that rain not only decreases overall participation but it also lowers participation when votes are expected to be uncontested and for individuals who do not primarily attend the Landsgemeinde for political reasons.     

民众表达行动的转型及其政策含义——以G县企业军转干部为例(2000-2007年)

军转干部与农民群体属于不同的社会群体,但两者的表达行动十分相近。在行动之前,往往选择沉默或"和平性行动";然后,选择"施压性行动";最后,走向"合法合理性行动"。军转干部何以起而表达并持续行动,可以从"结构"、"动员"与"文化"的综合模型得到解释。他们的行动并非反体制、反社会,因此并不足畏、也不必畏。他们的行动并没有产生诸如骚乱之类的严重后果,相反出现了理性化转型。其中原因,既有行动者个人尤其是其组织的自我约束,更有政府学习能力的快速提升以及政策调整的到位。确立弹性而动态的稳定观,将民众的日常表达行为及其组织正式立法,乃是谋求社会政治稳定的应有选择。     

Regulatory mobilization and service delivery at the edge of the regulatory state

Where there is weak state capacity to carry out regulatory, redistributional, and developmental functions characterizing much of the developing world, the role of governance and service delivery is also performed by a myriad of private actors. Institutional reform in the utility sector in developing countries has often failed to distinguish between social and economic regulation. I show how private actors like NGOs and local community groups undertake what I term “regulatory mobilization” to influence the new rules of the service delivery game, as well as to deliver much‐needed basic services to urban poor communities. Based on extensive fieldwork carried out in the Philippines, this article reveals and explains the politics of the informal sector at the edge of the regulatory state. More than a decade since the privatization of the Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System in Metro Manila in 1997, water access for the urban poor remained limited as privatized water utilities faced difficulties in extending service provision. In the context of an unpredictable regulatory landscape and an oligarchic patrimonial state, unexpected collective action by organized urban poor communities and NGOs has taken place around water as a subsistence right. Combining hybrid mobilizations to obtain water as well as influencing the rules governing their provision, these forms of regulatory mobilization appear to be peripheral and episodic. However, depending on how local and sectoral politics are conflated, such regulatory mobilization may sometimes not only result in obtaining subsistence goods, but may also occasionally project countervailing power in the policy sector, and influence formal regulatory frameworks in surprising ways.     

1949—1956年中国共产党社会动员的历史考察

社会动员是一种社会管理方法,也是政党的固有功能。新中国成立后,中国共产党面临的首要问题是怎样巩固和建设新兴的国家政权,在短期内恢复国民经济,改变贫穷落后的局面。党和国家通过借鉴民主革命时期的动员经验,根据情势变化制定正确的动员目标、方针和策略,动员广大民众发展经济恢复生产。     

Role of voice in the legal process*

As communities face unrest and protest because of perceived racial bias and decreased trust and confidence in the criminal justice system, it is critical to explore mechanisms that foster institutional legitimacy. Voice is a central element in the procedural justice framework because it is anticipated to promote process control as well as a shared understanding between institutions and communities. As a concept, however, voice is undertheorized. Measures of voice used in legitimacy research may result in oversimplification of the concept, not fully capturing the struggles disadvantaged people face in trying to exercise influence in the court system. Through the use of rich data from qualitative interviews with youth and families involved in the juvenile justice system and in‐depth observations of juvenile court events, we explore what voice is, the mechanisms through which people try to assert voice, and how voice matters in the legal process. Respondents sought voice for many reasons, including to validate their experiences, to affirm their membership in a community, and to assert concerns about perceived police misconduct. Contrary to traditional conceptualizations of voice as a static event (e.g., having voice or not having voice), voice was a process of negotiating dialogue between court officials and court participants throughout the legal process.     

从社会运动到内战的演变机制 ——基于中东变局的考察

受到中东变局波及的中东国家,尽管结构背景大同小异,但各国爆发的社会运动带来的国内影响却截然不同,如突尼斯和埃及发生了较为平和的变革,而利比亚、叙利亚却爆发了内战。社会运动在不同的国家之所以产生不同的结果,原因在于抗议者能否形成跨阶层动员以及军队的立场选择。抗议者形成跨阶层动员,是社会运动得以持续并实现规模扩大的前提;在大规模社会运动面前,军队内部是否发生分裂,则决定该国是否爆发内战。就此而言,社会运动演变为内战需要两个条件,一个是形成跨阶层动员,一个是部分军队支持抗议活动或在抗议活动中保持中立。这一分析模式有助于研究者对社会运动是否会演变为内战进行预测。     

Getting Out the Latino Vote: How Door-to-Door Canvassing Influences Voter Turnout in Rural Central California

Using randomized experimentation, this study of a municipal election in Central California examines the effects of face-to-face canvassing on voter turnout. This is the first randomized experiment to focus on Latino voter mobilization. Building on previous field experimentation, this study focuses on a local school board election held in Dos Palos, CA. Two kinds of appeals were made to potential voters: one emphasized ethnic solidarity; the other emphasized civic duty. Canvassing was remarkably successful; voters who were contacted were significantly more likely to vote. The mobilization effort had a particularly large effect on the turnout of Latino Democrats.     

National Consensus or Social Anomaly?

The dynamics of mass consciousness in Russia, formed in the wake of the 2014 events in Ukraine and Crimea, testify to the consolidation and radicalization of the popular majority. The national consensus has shaped a high level of public optimism even in the face of deteriorating socioeconomic conditions. However, this process brings to the fore archetypal traits that in many ways run contrary to the modern desire for mass consumption, which in many ways is also contrary to social mobilization. This contradiction will affect the political process, if not in the short- then in the long term, and will significantly affect the sociopolitical situation, making it less stable than in the first decade of the present century.     

Mobilization in the European Public Sphere: The Struggle Over Genetically Modified Organisms

The objective of this study is to investigate the extent to which supporters and opponents at the European Union (EU) level strive to mobilize the public with regard the issue of genetically modified organisms (GMOs). To this end, it addresses two research questions: First, to which concepts do GMO opponents and supporters refer when seeking to mobilize the public? Second, do GMO opponents and supporters differ in the coherence of the concepts they use to attain public mobilization? The empirical findings show that the pro‐GMO coalition is composed of biotechnology companies as well as representatives of Argentina, Canada, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the World Trade Organization. The anti‐GMO coalition consists of environmental nongovernmental organizations and representatives from most of the EU member states. Altogether, the anti‐GMO coalition has been more coherent in the concepts they invoke in the last few years.