“90后”大学生思想道德行为特征解析

"90"后大学生的思想道德行为在生活方式上存在发展滞后的生活能力,标新立异的生活态度,贪恋当下的享受快乐;在行为方式上存在自我中心的行为取向,我行我素的行为特征,理性务实的行为作风;在思想理念上存在浓厚的民主理念,率性的自由精神,剧烈的价值冲突。对此应将思想政治教育与制度管理相结合、人文关怀与心理教育相结合、素质教育与能力培养相结合、挫折教育与激励教育相结合,以帮助其健康成长。     

当代广西民族和谐研究

新中国成立60多年来,广西各族人民在党的民族团结政策指引下,模范地践行党的民族团结政策,实现了各族人民大团结、大发展与大繁荣,开创了各民族空前团结的局面.总结广西民族团结发展的60年历程,对做好新时期民族工作、实现广西跨越发展、科学发展以及保障南疆地域安全都有着十分重要的意义     

梁启超对中国传统"私德"的批判与继承

“公德”和“私德”及其相互关系是梁启超道德哲学的主要内容。在进行道德革命时,他用资产阶级的“公德”批判中国传统道德的“私德”;在进行道德建设时,则用中国传统道德的“私德”去补充资产阶级的“公德”。梁启超从“公德”到“私德”的转化,是从道德革命到道德建设的深化,是思想上的前进,不是思想上的倒退。     

胡锦涛“七一”讲话民族思想研究

胡锦涛"七一"讲话高度重视民族问题,表达了重要的民族思想,包括:一、坚持和完善民族区域自治制度。二、加强民族团结,维护国家统一。三、为中华民族伟大复兴而努力。中华民族伟大复兴内涵丰富。中华民族伟大复兴意义重大。     

社会资本:民族区域自治的元制度分析--兼谈民族区域自治的善治问题

社会资本作为民族区域自治的元制度,其信任、规范和网络是建立和维护民族区域自治社会秩序的一种极为重要的工具,也是整合民族区域自治的社会"粘合剂".然而,社会资本也会在一定层面上阻碍民族区域自治的良好发展.民族区域自治善治的根本在于引导社会资本的再生产.     

传统道德观与当代法律之间矛盾的思考

文章通过对传统道德观与当代法律之间矛盾的分析,揭示了矛盾的根源是传统的道德观落后于当代法律的发展,指出要全面建设小康社会,必须建立新的道德观,与当代法律协调发展。     

公司章程效力探析

公司章程的效力问题一直是司法实践中的难题,从现行法律规定出发,就公司章程对于公司设立的效力,公司章程的应当记载事项和任意记载事项,公司章程的违法性认定以及有限责任公司章程个别化思考阐述公司章程的效力问题。     

Recreating the Third World Project: possibilities through the Fourth World

Abstract

In this paper, we make a theoretical argument that the Third World be returned to its political origins to inspire an updated Third World Project (TWP), revived as a global movement for progressive, anti-imperialist forces, through the Fourth World movement, which highlights internal colonialism. Both the TWP and the United Nations recognise only nation states as full members. We examine how a Third World strategy that brings in the Fourth World, or indigenous, minority and/or stateless groups, can help oppressed groups gain more autonomy and rights through a transnational solidarity rooted in empathy. We trace the intellectual roots and history of the TWP and consider obstacles in bringing together the TWP and the Fourth World movement. A Fourth World strategy corrects the TWP’s implicit approval of an underlying imperialism, and the TWP provides the Fourth World movement a model to accomplish its goal of resisting uncritical modernity.     

The UN Security Council,normative legitimacy and the challenge of specificity

ABSTRACT

This paper discusses how the general and abstract concept of legitimacy applies to international institutions, using the United Nations Security Council as an example. We argue that the evaluation of the Security Council’s legitimacy requires considering three significant and interrelated aspects: its purpose, competences, and procedural standards. We consider two possible interpretations of the Security Council’s purpose: on the one hand, maintaining peace and security, and, on the other, ensuring broader respect for human rights. Both of these purposes are minimally morally acceptable for legitimacy. Second, we distinguish between three different competences of the UNSC: 1) the decision-making competence, 2) the quasi-legislative competence, and 3) the referral competence. On this basis, we argue that different procedural standards are required to legitimise these competences, which leads to a more differentiated understanding of the Security Council’s legitimacy. While maintaining that the membership structure of the Council is a severe problem for its legitimacy, we suggest other procedural standards that can help to improve its overall legitimacy, which include broad transparency, deliberation, and the revisability of the very terms of accountability themselves.     

Legitimacy,self-determination,and conditional cooperators

ABSTRACT

This article critically examines the account of collective self-determination and state legitimacy developed by Stilz in her book. Central to this account is the idea that for a state to be legitimate it must reflect the shared will of the people over which it governs. I argue that the normative taxonomy Stilz employs to develop this criterion of legitimacy ignores the possibility of conditional cooperators: groups who are alienated from society due to the injustices they experience but are willing to affirm their participation in state institutions if these injustices are rectified. I then demonstrate that since there are no grounds for discounting the dissent of conditional cooperators, their presence significantly increases the threshold for state legitimacy that follows from Stilz’s theory. As a result, Stilz is forced to abandon her claim that basically just states generally enjoy a qualified ‘right to do wrong’.