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61.
This paper develops and tests a model that integrates processes of public affairs management with stakeholder engagement and dialogue, business ethics and social reporting to explain social responsibility capabilities in organisations. The model, called Corporate Social Responsibility Management Capacity, describes social responsiveness as arising from a firm's social responsibility orientation and its public relations orientation. The paper shows how the model can be used by managers to measure, manage and improve their company's ability to be socially responsible. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications 相似文献
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It is often assumed that foreign MNEs are the driving force behind technological development in developing economies but it has become evident in recent years that the actions of MNEs in isolation from the domestic economy will not significantly improve the stock of technology in an economy. This study, therefore, examines the determinants of local firms' decisions to undertake technological effort, not only in isolation, but also in the context of linkages between domestic firms and MNEs. There is evidence that linkages between MNEs and local firms are important in explaining technological effort by local firms but direct technological assistance from MNEs does not seem to play a major role in fostering increased technological effort by local firms. 相似文献
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经济全球化促进了跨国公司的发展,跨国公司的发展不仅影响到各国的经济和社会生活,也影响到工会运动。工会在跨国公司的活动面临许多新的问题和困难。跨国公司的工会问题,关系到跨国公司的巨大国际影响力与东道国国家主权的关系,关系到国际人权的保护,涉及到企业的社会责任问题。在全球化的大背景下,维护跨国企业劳动者的利益,必须充分发挥工会的作用。 相似文献
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《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):303-325
Political risk is an important factor in the decision to invest abroad. While the investment potential might be lucrative, there is always the risk that the host government will expropriate the profits and assets of the foreign investor. Political institutions, however, can serve as constraints on the actions of political actors in the host country. We argue that federal structures lower political risk. Joint-reputational accountability in overlapping political jurisdictions increases the likelihood that investment contracts will be honored. Empirical analyses of cross-sectional time-series data for 115 countries, from 1975–1995, are used to study how political institutions affect foreign direct investment (FDI) flows. After controlling for the effect of relevant economic and political variables, we find that both democratic and federal institutions help attract FDI, although the additive effect of democracy and federalism is small. This is not surprising; democratic systems already have low political risk; they do not need the additional credibility that the federal system provides to attract FDI. In contrast, we expect that federal structures significantly improve the trustworthiness of less democratic states. Empirically, we find that less democratic countries with federal political systems attract some of the highest levels of FDI. 相似文献
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本文首先对小额信贷的内涵做了详细分析和界定,提出真正的小额信贷应该坚持以国际通行模式主要扶助贫困妇女的原则;然后从妇联组织的性质、基本职能、组织网络、性别沟通优势和从业经验等五方面论证了妇联系统承担小额信贷业务的合理性和可能性;最后提出了政府如何支持妇联在小额信贷工作中积极发挥作用. 相似文献
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国际非政府组织与国际法之“跨国立法” 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
王秀梅 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2006,21(4):202-207
随着全球化进程的加快和非政府组织等非国家行为体的兴起,国际法的立法模式也将发生变化。国际法立法模式正在由传统的“国家间立法”转向“国家间立法”与“跨国立法”并存的多元化立法模式。从全球治理的视角来看,作为国际秩序中与国家、国际政府组织并存的第三种力量,国际非政府组织是全球治理中的重要行为体,并在跨国立法中扮演着重要角色,其所从事的主要是事务性的立法和法律的编纂,制定的主要为国际软法,但却得到了普遍的认可和遵守。同时国际非政府组织还进一步推动和影响了国家间立法。 相似文献
67.
王娟 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2002,17(1):104-106
目前,学界对"不方便法院原则"褒贬不一,有关其存废争议颇大.笔者通过对其内涵和功能的考察找到其实质所在,并针对跨国公司境外侵权对该原则的冲击提出自己的意见,期望对相关立法有所裨益. 相似文献
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Jeremy Anderson 《Space and Polity》2015,19(1):47-61
This article explores a geographical dilemma at the heart of union organizing in transnational corporations; namely, how to circulate union power across different spaces when existing labour struggles are generally restricted to single sites. Reflecting on the experience of the International Transport Workers' Federation, this paper argues that single site campaigns have been crucial to its organizing programme. Analysing cases involving dock workers in India and logistics workers in Turkey, it is noted that these struggles are resource intensive but potentially transformational, and should be theorized as ‘resonant places’ in a wider global organizing strategy. 相似文献
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Patricia Wellons 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(3):341-348
Abstract In an increasingly integrated international economy, nation-states are, of themselves, no longer the prime containers or coordinators of political–economic activity. The extra-territoriality of states and the blurring of the boundaries between states and firms, for example, have been captured in analytical concepts such as ‘triangular diplomacy’ the ‘web of global interdependencies’ and ‘cosmopolitan democracy’. Such trends have become visible in what have been termed mega-urban regions or zones of economic integration or of graduated sovereignty. Moreover, such zones are held to illustrate non-traditional or cooperative inter-state relations. This paper utilizes Stopford and Strange's (1991) notion of ‘triangular diplomacy’ to interpret the development of one such zone – the Indonesia–Malaysia–Singapore growth triangle (IMS-GT). The paper argues that whilst embodying elements of cooperative inter-state relations the development of the IMS-GT also highlights the persistence of the ‘traditional’ concerns of inter-state relations. It also uses the notion of triangular diplomacy to draw attention to different models of social order sought by multinational enterprises (MNEs). 相似文献