创新和完善拒腐防变的法律监督机制

党的历史方位的变化,要求拒腐防变工作必须进行制度创新。在推进依法治国基本方略的进程中开展反腐败斗争,应该把体制创新作为一项战略性任务来抓。法律监督机制能够在反腐斗争中发挥显著的功能,但由于诸多原因,我国当前的法律监督机制还存在着明显的缺陷和不足。针对这些缺陷和不足,在借鉴西方国家成功经验的基础上,本文提出,当前主要应该从两个环节来创新和完善我国拒腐防变的法律监督机制。     

论公民及其素质

公民在我国的形成较晚。在长期的封建统治下,由于家国同构,“民”并没有产生明确的国家意识,改革开放带来了经济、政治的革新,真正意义的公民的出现才有了可能。这样的公民是建立在正确理解的国家关系和恰当参与的公民互动基础上的。公民是培养出来的,对公民素质的要求就成为新时期精神文明建设的主要目标。只有塑造出合格、理性的公民,才能有民主、文明的社会主义法制和道德风尚。     

Representations of crime,power and social decay in the South African post-colony in the film Gangster’s Paradise: Jerusalema (2008)

The film Gangster’s Paradise: Jerusalema, released on August 29, 2008, decries the proliferation of crime, violence and social decay in the South African post-colony. The aim of this article is to interrogate the banality in the use of violence and power in the South African post-colony. The filmic narratives of Gangster’s Paradise: Jerusalema reveal that behind the ‘rainbow’ façade presented by South Africa, one encounters festering poverty in ‘non-white’ communities, racial acrimony, broken promises, social and class struggles, and tales of betrayal of the majority of black people by the elite black leadership which now sit comfortably in the seats vacated by their former colonisers. An analysis of the narratives of the film Gangster’s Paradise: Jerusalema permits one to locate apartheid-based economic disparities as still haunting mainly ‘non- white’ local communities, although some whites have not been spared by the vicious new normal of poverty and the effects of corruption. This interpretation is further questioned in the film which shows that, after apartheid, the nationalist leadership encouraged a negative culture of entitlement. The irony in the film is that the masses are also tainted in so far as they commit crimes against other ordinary people and refuse to take responsibility or, rather in an escapist way, blame all the woes of the post-colony on apartheid. Thus, the narratives of Gangster’s Paradise: Jerusalema beg the question: What is going wrong with the dream of democracy for all, irrespective of race, that was the founding principle of the new nation?     

民族社会学的视角与定义新论

民族社会学的视角主要有结构与过程的视角,个体、群体与社会的视角、冲突与均衡的视角、统一性与多样性的视角、宏观与微观的视角。而民族社会学的定义由于学者的研究视角不同,定义的侧重点不同亦呈现出众说纷纭的状况。综合已有研究,我们认为,民族社会学是一门从宏观社会系统出发,综合地研究民族地区现实的社会结构、社会过程与社会控制,以探讨民族地区社会良性运行与协调发展的条件与机制的一门综合性社会科学交叉学科。     

刍议颜色文化

颜色既有美感功能也有信息功能。各种颜色在不同的民族文化背景下具有不同的社会文化附加意义。在跨文化交际中,了解一个民族的颜色文化,有利于民族间的理解和交流。本文探讨汉民族颜色文化的主要内容,并与英语民族的颜色文化相比较,同时简要介绍东盟10国的颜色文化。     

对新形势下弘扬和培育民族精神的路径分析

当今世界各国在经济、政治、科技、文化等领域的竞争更加激烈,我国在全面建设小康社会和实现民族伟大复兴的过程中面临的挑战将更加严峻。在这种新形势下,要实现全面建设小康社会的宏伟目标和伟大的民族复兴,需要大力弘扬和培育民族精神。那么,怎样弘扬和培育才能取得理想的效果呢？首先,要大力发展先进文化,为弘扬和培育民族精神提供基点和氛围;其次,要把弘扬和培育民族精神贯穿国民教育的全过程;第三,还要重视提高国民素质,为弘扬和培育提供主体保障等。民族精神的弘扬和培育能否真正做到在继承中发展,在发展中创新,直接关系全面建设小康社会的进程能否顺利推进。     

论走向和谐的广西壮汉民族融合大趋势

壮汉民族融合在历史上形成了“壮中有汉、汉中有壮”基本格局,其发展遵循着“族际互动律、文化整合律、反客为主律”三大基本规律。在建立和谐社会的今天,要构建和谐广西,就要强化壮汉民旋之间的族际互动,优化文化整合,促进民族和谐进步,广西壮汉民族融合的和谐发展必将成为历史的必然趋势。     

作为政治策略的定义——对斯大林民族定义的再考察

作为马克思主义民族理论的组成部分,斯大林的民族定义理所当然地受到中国民族学界的重点关注。长久以来,学界都倾向于把该定义理解为一种普适性理论,却忽略了其背后特定的时代性和政治性。实际上,该定义不完全是对民族发展规律进行客观分析的结果,更多地是政治斗争的产物。运用历史分析法重现斯大林建构该定义的思路和逻辑,以展示斯大林民族定义作为政治策略的另一个面向。     

Tracing the terrain of Indigenous food sovereignties

Food sovereignty scholars are increasingly re-conceptualizing sovereignty by accounting for its diverse expressions across space according to specific histories, identities, and local socio-ecological realities and dynamics. In grappling with the multiple bases of sovereignty, attention has been directed toward Indigenous food sovereignty in North America. Specifically, food scholars are examining how the regeneration of Indigenous food harvesting and sharing practices shapes movements for decolonization and self-determination. While this is a crucial and much-welcomed intervention, much more is needed to understand the diverse Indigenous political and legal orders and authorities that shape how multiple Indigenous food sovereignties are lived every day across diverse landscapes. In this contribution, I examine how Anishinaabe people in and beyond the Treaty 3 territory in Ontario, Canada, protect and renew their food harvesting grounds, waters and foodways through everyday acts of resurgence that are rooted in their law of mino bimaadiziwin.     

From Araucanian warriors to Mapuche terrorists: contesting discourses of gender,race, and nation in modern Chile (1810–2010)

This article explores the complex, shifting intersections between gender, racial, and national identities in modern Chile. Focusing on the figure of the Araucanian warrior who famously defeated the Spanish conquistadors in the sixteenth century, it draws readers' attention to four transformative periods between the first declaration of Chilean independence and the bicentennial celebrations of that independence, and examines the contesting notions of masculinity that emerged in such contexts. Firstly, it analyses the late nineteenth-century liberal State's “civilising” discourse, which was imbued with imperial racist concepts of masculinity; secondly, a protest mestizo masculinity that emerged through the writings of Nicolás Palacios in the early twentieth century; thirdly, a revolutionary masculinity that was exalted by various actors during the Popular Unity government (1970–3); and finally, multicultural, neo-liberal configurations of masculinity in post-dictatorship Chile. It shows how the masculine ideals of physique (strength, impressive build, virility) and behaviour (independence, intelligence, bravery, spirit of adventure) projected onto the noble warrior of old have existed in tension with disparaging attitudes towards contemporary Mapuche demanding respect for their rights. It also underscores the multiple, creative ways in which Mapuche intellectuals and political leaders have engaged with dominant discourses of gender, race and nation in republican Chile.