中国古代国家“警察”三辨——与“公安学”教材中对中国古代国家警察有关观点的商榷

警察，是国家打击犯罪、管理社会秩序以巩固国家政权的一种武装性的特殊的国家公共权力。军队和警察由于职能对象的性质不同，它们不可能合二为一成所谓“军警不分”。中国古代国家执行国家“公共权力”的警察职能机构与职官设置是独立的专门机构与人员。不要混淆中国古代国家的行政监督执法与刑事执法。警察职能不是“警政合一”，而是“政刑不分”。     

行政资助制度初探

行政资助作为现代给付行政模式下的一种重要行政行为,是行政主体为了特定的公共目的,向特定的私主体提供财产性利益的行政活动,其具有公共性、政策引导性、复杂多样性和补充性的特征,其性质表现为授益性和负担性并存的双面性,其法理基础包括现代社会福利国家原则、宪法经济化和宪法对行政资助的规定。     

新农村建设中的社会治安问题

在和谐社会建设中实现新农村的社会治安稳定,是保证新农村建设的重要组成部分。解决新农村建设中的社会治安问题,不是公安机关一家的事情,它涉及到社会生活的各个层面。只有集全社会之力,才能从根本上解决问题。要保证新农村建设的顺利进行,实现农村的长治久安,在新农村社会治安问题上应该从如下几个方面加以考察:社会治安是落实新农村建设的重要组成部分;社会治安是一场社会各阶层的行动;社会治安是一场全民教育运动;社会治安是对新农村建设的整体规划。     

Citizenship in Pakistan: state,nation and contemporary faultlines

The research investigates young Pakistanis' self-articulation of their relationship with the state and what factors play a role in determining their views. The article argues that beyond the issues traditionally seen as causing the instability of the Pakistani state (which include sectarian and ethnic faultlines as well as the role of the army), there is another – between ordinary citizens and the state. Although there are provincial differences, people at large feel alienated by the state and the concept of citizenship has become hazy as it is often mixed up with the issue of identity. Given the paucity of rights and responsibilities and the lack of political participation, the problems across Pakistani society are ever increasing. The research used a mixed methods approach and 1300 questionnaires were collected in 27 different education institutions across three provinces. On aggregate response the research found that there is a high sense of belonging to the nation, yet paradoxically also a high sense of alienation with regard to the state. Whilst most of those surveyed professed awareness of their rights and duties, as well as political awareness, political participation was very low. The qualitative section of the questionnaire exemplified the level of alienation and anger felt by many across the various institutions and provinces.     

Learning from the Philippine occupation: nation‐building and institutional development in Iraq and other high security risk nations

Outcomes of armed conflict in Afghanistan and Iraq indicate that the U.S. has been unprepared to fully address problems related to establishing social and economic stability, security and governance in the aftermath of war. This is unfortunate, given that U.S. policy makers' nation‐building efforts to achieve stability, security and good governance in these nations do not reflect what they should already have learnt about organisational and institutional development from past experiences providing significant development assistance to highly unstable nations. Based on the analysis rendered in this article, ‘smart practice’ development administration in such nations comprises the following key points that link nation building to institutional/organisational development:

• Nation building (creating new national sovereignty) is different from, and harder than, building government capacity (creating or strengthening institutions and organisations).
• Given that building government capacity typically requires years of patient assistance and financing, it is better to build on existing indigenous institutions like the civil service and military.
• The time and expense of development assistance to high security risk nations means that it is advisable to establish a multi‐lateral development assistance plan and a multi‐national, multi‐institutional framework for financing development to pay for all that is necessary over a long period of time (i.e. 20–50 years).
• Policy makers should emphasise social stability and stable economic growth under self‐governance to prevent actual or perceived economic exploitation.
• Policy makers' diplomatic efforts should secure accommodation of various stakeholders sufficient to permit compromise leading to formation of an independent government.
• Where occupation appears necessary to achieve security and stability, policy makers should allocate enough troops and money to do the job, and accurately assess and report all costs of military occupation and nation building.
• Once occupation has occurred, policy makers should not withdraw military support in a way that would increase the likelihood of civil war.
• Premature withdrawal of security, economic and political support prior to the point where high security risk nations are capable of governing themselves will cause a power vacuum, and may result in fragmented regional leadership by warlords. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

     

制约我国民族地区与周边国家开展区域经济合作的主要因素及对策

我国周边地区正在建设的中国-东盟自由贸易区、上海合作组织和将要形成的中国-东北亚经济合作区都地处少数民族聚居区,这一区域将是我国新的经济增长极。民族地区应尽快制定全面实施向外开放,与周边国家开展区域经济合作的发展战略,抓紧出台相关政策和措施。国家应尽快制定《区域经济合作开拓法》,与周边国家签订《区域经济合作投资保护协定》,建立多级对话与合作机制,推进民族地区与周边国家实现全方位、多种形式的经贸合作。     

论中华民族凝聚力的当代提升

在当代,提升中华民族凝聚力具有十分重要的价值。但是,中华民族凝聚力的当代提升面临着不少新问题:思想文化和价值观念多样化、社会结构分化与利益分化、民族分裂主义分化活动日益明显、部分党员干部的腐败现象造成恶劣影响。要提升中华民族凝聚力,就必须正视这些问题,寻求以下基本途径:一是在坚持社会主义核心价值体系的前提下,贯彻百花齐放、百家争鸣的方针;二是贯彻落实以“构建社会主义和谐社会”为目标的和谐发展新理念;三是妥善处理好民族问题;四是加强执政党建设。     

The Soviet study of the Barefooted Flight of the Kazakhs

The defeat, devastation and exile of the Kazakhs in the early eighteenth century, commonly known as the Barefooted Flight, was the nation's most distressing pre-Soviet calamity. Kazakh nation-building and official remembrance projects – commemorated in state ceremonies, public education and popular culture – portray an uninterrupted, centuries-old practice of tribute to local heroes who challenged the foreign aggressors. Twentieth-century Kazakh and Russian intellectuals in the Soviet and post-Soviet eras studied and enshrined these events based on published, secondary sources, rarely giving attention to the thin trail of documents preserved in state archives. The historiography of the Barefooted Flight exposed a trend in how politically convenient historical lessons shaped the interpretation of events. By the end of the Soviet Union, some archival material was introduced, it was but misquoted so as not to challenge the current interpretation.     

The fundamental characteristics of the Kurdish nationhood project in modern Iraq

The protracted Iraqi-Kurdish conflict has plagued the country since the creation of Iraq in the 1920s. Iraqi-Kurdish relations are dominated by the clash of two contradictory nationhood projects: Kurdish and Iraqi. The Kurdish nationhood project was constructed with the perspective that the Kurds as a nation, could qualify for but is deprived of, achieving nation-state status. Based on the Kurdish project, Kurdistan and Iraq consist of two separate homelands: the Arab part of Iraq, which is part of the greater Arab homeland, and Iraqi Kurdistan which is part of the Greater Kurdistan region.     

The question of “the black lesbian”: monstrous,ideal and fictitious postapartheid citizen

This paper calls attention to how “the black lesbian”—as a figure and an idea—is emerging as a model of the ideal postapartheid citizen. I argue that this figure is both instituted and undermined at the point at which the nation becomes vexed by its own limits. Within this symbolic politics, “the black lesbian” is staged as a traumatized victim. To track how black lesbians have become enmeshed in debates about defining citizenship, I revisit the rape trial that was initiated when the pseudonymous “Khwezi” made a rape complaint against Jacob Zuma. I examine how “Khwezi” and Zuma came to represent competing ideas about citizenship. Drawing on Berlant’s analysis of the crucial role that “official sexual underclasses” play in the production of “national symbolic and political coherence,” I argue that the trial evidences how “the black lesbian,” a simultaneously abjected and idealized figure, is produced and mobilized as a political resource in South Africa’s citizenship politics.