南明时期抗清的历史正当性辨析--兼论孙可望领导的大西军余部与永历王朝的"联合恢剿"

该文对以往普遍认可的以满族贵族同汉族统治者和农民军为代表的征服者与被征服者之间的矛盾提出质疑。认为南明时期抗清的历史正当性 ,应以是否有利于传承和发展中华民族多元一体架构及中华文明为标准。不能将国内一个民族的统治者取代另一个民族的统治者对中国的统治与近代中华民族同外国侵略者之间的民族矛盾相提并论。从这一视野出发 ,对孙可望领导的大西军余部与永历小朝廷“联合恢剿”所掀起的第二抗清高潮的主客观条件、进程及其历史正当性进行了论述。认为当清初全国统一大趋势已经出现并不可逆转之时 ,抗清的历史正当性便会衰减 ,最终成为中国历史前进的阻力。其成败并不以联合抗清的双方甚或某个领袖人物是否仍坚定不移地抗清为转移。     

新世纪中国行政法与行政法学发展分析——放权、分权和收权、集权的立法政策学视角

现代国家的行政以实现人民福祉或称国家和社会公共利益为其逻辑起点和最终归宿。行政介入的过程必须体现为对公共利益或者人民福祉的追求,体现为对市民、市场的补充性,体现为对诸多主体、诸多价值和诸多利益的均衡性。对于新世纪中国行政法制建设和行政法学理论研究来说,架构科学的行政评价的标准和体系,既是迫切的任务,又是远大的课题。如何克服政府介入的消极作用,确保行政进行自我拘束,防止其从宪法所确立的责任体系中分离出去,是各国宪法学和行政法学所面临的共同课题。“依法律行政”本身意味着法律赋予行政以框架和秩序,设定其权限范围,赋予其相应的裁量余地。行政法学不仅要分析行政国家的现状,而且还必须开拓对行政权力规范和制约的基本理论和制度,形成能够作为政府权力运作行动指南的法哲学和法治观念。科学的行政法学原理和理论体系的任务,就是要抑制行政国家的消极作用,同时又要充分利用行政国家中行政权的积极能动作用,建立健全民主主义的参与机制,最大限度地追求公共利益并保护和发展个体利益。     

再论法治的价值

主流观点认为,法治的核心价值是人的尊严与自由。这是一个可以质疑的观点。在百年中国的历史上,法治的价值主要被理解为救亡与治乱;对于不同的主体而言,法治的价值与意义也是不一样的。要全面地理解法治的价值,有必要把法治的价值分为两个层面：直接价值与间接价值。     

胡锦涛“七一”讲话民族思想研究

胡锦涛"七一"讲话高度重视民族问题,表达了重要的民族思想,包括:一、坚持和完善民族区域自治制度。二、加强民族团结,维护国家统一。三、为中华民族伟大复兴而努力。中华民族伟大复兴内涵丰富。中华民族伟大复兴意义重大。     

Bringing the Revolution to the Countryside: Rural Health Programmes as State‐Building in Post‐1952 Bolivia

Bolivia's Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (Revolutionary Nationalist Movement, MNR) took power in April 1952 via a popular social revolution. After 1952, the party implemented state‐sponsored modernisation projects, including extending rural public health programmes. The MNR used health programmes to change rural practices, cultivate political loyalty, and expand the state's political power. Yet rural indigenous communities were hardly passive recipients of these programmes. These communities often requested government services, and they borrowed the MNR's own political rhetoric to position themselves as worthy of state attention. Public health programmes increased access to rural health care, but they also allowed state officials and rural communities to negotiate the MNR's authority.     

Race,Nature and History in Ensayo sobre las revoluciones políticas and El Español de Ambos Mundos

This article revisits the Ensayo sobre las revoluciones políticas published in Paris by Colombian intellectual José María Samper in 1861. It does so by positioning it in the context of the newspaper in which it was initially published in instalments: El Español de Ambos Mundos. Hitherto both this newspaper and its close conceptual connection to the Ensayo have been overlooked. The simultaneous reading of EAM and the Ensayo also serves to signal similarities and differences in racial thinking on both sides of the Atlantic, while contributing to the increasing interest among scholars in studying how miscegenation was endowed with different meanings according to the context in which it was considered.     

Violence and Statebuilding in a Borders Conflict Context: A Study of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict

Violence, while conceived of and defined as objective, is in reality a subjective phenomenon that takes on myriad forms (political, physical, and psychological). From a constructivist perspective, the identification of violence is contingent on conflicts to signify actions as legitimate; in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, the experience of different forms of violence has meant that violence has come to acquire multiple meanings. This violence is legitimate from both Israeli and Palestinian points of view, and it creates and fulfils a cycle that perpetuates intractable conflict. This article aims to demonstrate how strongly this culture of violence has affected the state-formation process in this area, and it calls attention particularly to ongoing statebuilding processes in Palestine. The paper will also explore the intricacies related to violence and border definition in terms of ‘mapping practices’ and territoriality, and examine how, in the wake of the Oslo agreement, the Palestinian statebuilding process is created under the ruling power of the Israeli military force, restraining Palestinian capacity to create state bodies capable of establishing and retaining the monopoly of violence.     

中国共产党90年中的三次历史性转变

中国共产党在90年奋斗历程中经历了三次历史性伟大转变,即从半殖民地半封建社会到民族独立、人民当家作主新社会的历史性转变,从新民主主义革命到社会主义革命和建设的历史性转变,从高度集中的计划经济体制到充满活力的社会主义市场经济体制、从封闭半封闭到全方位开放的历史性转变。     

"战略时间差"与中国的战略安全

国际关系中的时间包括时间点、时间段和时间过程。从国际博弈的时间长度来看,既有宏观时间的博弈,也有微观时间的博弈,二者都有可能产生战略性的影响。纵观古今中外历史,把握“战略时间差”虽然不一定能做到“不战而屈人之兵”,但能够做到以更小的代价获得博弈的优势地位。中国的战略安全是与战略机遇期联系在一起的,过去四十多年中国发展和大国成长战略机遇的获得主要由于技术革命、权力转移和西方的战略失误三个因素,但中国在新时代需要主动通过把握和运用“战略时间差”来塑造战略机遇。从总体战略来看,中国仍然需要争取和平的国际环境,以彰显中国在走向世界舞台中央时的世界担当;要尽力争取所有的国际博弈尤其中美博弈为正和博弈,以化解既有主导国对正在崛起的中国的担心和不信任;关键还要着力中国的内部发展,这是获得战略机遇期的实质性内容。把握所有“战略时间差”的最终目标是实现中华民族的伟大复兴,在世界舞台上和平崛起。     

浅议日本少字数派书法

日本现代书法流派之一的少字数派直至今天在书坛上仍具有强大的生命力。本文旨在对其流派的产生原由及艺术特征和审美意蕴等进行论述。