论党的建设的继承和发展

当前党的建设呈现出大好形势,但也面临一些问题。在纪念党成立90周年之际,我们总结过去的经验,在继承什么和发展什么的认识上,至少应坚持三点：坚持马克思主义对政党功能的基本认识,克服自身组织功能缺陷;坚持勇于担当的政党责任和政党使命,在推进民主化改革、推进党管干部方式改革、推进高度集中的权力适当分权等方面担当起为党负责的精神;坚持改革创新的时代精神,包括观念的创新、思维方式的创新、体制的创新,在制度顶层设计创新上力争突破,为深化改革创造理论和制度条件。     

文化养老研究的热点、趋势与展望——基于VOS viewer软件的知识图谱分析

本文基于中国知网(CNKI)检索2008-2020年259篇文化养老研究文献的题录数据,运用VOS viewer软件进行知识图谱分析以把握此问题研究热点、演进趋势并对未来发展予以展望.研究发现,十余年间,文化养老的关注对象集中于离退休老年人,供给主体侧重于老年大学、公共图书馆和社区.演进趋势包括两个方面:从发文量来看,...     

依法治国理念的本质分析

市场经济、和谐社会与国家公共权力之间存在天然的矛盾,法治则是解决这种天然矛盾的最佳途径.依法治国的本质在于用体现公平正义的"良法"控制、约束国家公共权力,防止其随意扩张和滥用,以更好地保障公民的权利,促进人的全面发展和社会的和谐进步.法治视野下的国家公共权力应当遵循以下几个原则:人民主权、权力有限、分权制衡、公正公开.弘扬法治精神、坚持依法治国是我们政法工作者的神圣使命.     

The French secular hypocrisy: the extreme right,the Republic and the battle for hegemony

ABSTRACT

The success of the extreme right in France in the past two decades has not been limited to its electoral rise. A more long-lasting victory has taken place in the ideological field, where the discourse of the extreme right now occupies a prominent place in the mainstream liberal democratic agenda. Increasingly, its ideas are seen in the media and in the platforms of mainstream parties as ‘common sense’ or at least acceptable. The growing acceptance of this ‘common sense’ is the result of very carefully crafted strategies put in place by extreme-right thinkers since the 1980s. For over three decades now, in order to change perceptions and renew extreme right-wing ideology, New Right think tanks such as the French GRECE believed it was necessary to borrow the tactics of the left and, more specifically, the Gramscian concept of hegemony: cultural power must precede political power. With the use of contemporary examples, Mondon's article demonstrates the continuing impact these ideas have had on the Front national and French politics and society, and how this change originated in the association of populist rhetoric with the neo-racist stigmatization of the Other.     

International migration and liberal democracies: the challenge of integration

Migration theories that build on economic incentives and social network effects will generally predict much more international migration than we observe. We have to 'bring the state back in' to explain why so few potential migrations lead to actual flows, and why these flows are highly selective. Immigration policies have been strongly shaped by particular nation-building projects but the increasing diversity of origins in contemporary migrations has also challenged and transformed perceptions of national identity at the receiving end. Bauböck discusses the need for studying integration regimes from a comparative and normative perspective. He examines characteristic features of four regimes - the United States, Canada, Israel and the European Union - and defends a conception of integration that embraces the ambiguities of the term: it should be understood as referring to the inclusion of newcomers as well as to the internal cohesion of the societies and political communities that are transformed by immigration. These two meanings are combined in a third one of integration as federation: the process of forming larger political unions from distinct societies. Particularly in the context of the European Union integration policies for immigrants should live up to the same democratic principles that are invoked for the political integration of the EU. This suggests a European agenda for harmonizing the legal status of third country residents and their access to citizenship. Bringing the state back in makes us also aware that the transnational communities of migrants are no substitute for access, status and rights within territorially bounded polities. Instead of portraying migrants as harbingers of the end of the nation-state, we should rather think how to transform nation-states so that increasingly mobile populations can still share in political authority, a bounded territory and a common historical horizon. This perspective of integration is 'transnational' rather than 'postnational'. A transnational perspective does not envisage the dissolution of nation-states, but emphasizes instead that societies and cultures increasingly overlap both in space and time.     

Xenophobia on a Suburban Paris Housing Estate

Abstract

Xenophobia has become a politically charged phenomenon in France, and is often linked to matters of daily life on suburban housing estates. Haegel's article is based on a survey conducted among the inhabitants of a Parisian housing estate called ‘La Cité des 4000 logements’. Remarks about immigrants took up much time and space throughout the interviews. The analysis of these remarks could only be successful by taking account of the context in which they were made, and the several motives that might lead to the expression of illegitimate opinions. The basis of the xenophobic discourse recorded in the survey is unquestionably the dichotomy us/them. From it flows spatial references (the marking of territory) and temporal ones (the Golden Age and The Fall). (In many ways, the situation is identical to that analysed by Norbert Elias and John Scotson in The Established and the Outsiders, although one difference is that ‘the established’ in ‘the 4000’ don't have real ‘group charisma’: they have at present neither a strong communal life nor social cohesion.) The central paradigm of the xenophobic discourse seems to be hospitality, which implies, by definition, the granting of space, the playing of host to a foreigner in one's own space, rather than allowing the foreigner a place of his or her own. With the continuing settlement of immigrants in France, this is a paradigm that will have to change.     

严复对中国近现代教育的贡献和启示

严复在我国近现代教育史上开创了教育救国的道路,最早制定了德、智、体全面育人的方针,在文化上他突破"中体西用"的模式,主张从体用一致上全面学习西方的长处,达到救国图强的目的。严复是北京大学首任校长,在艰难条件下对维护北大生存和开创学科改革有过重大贡献。严复的教育思想和行为品格,对我国当代教育也有诸多启发。     

Greening Constitutions with Environmental Rights: Testing the Isomorphism Thesis

Why do some countries have constitutional environmental rights while others do not? In this paper, I conduct statistical analyses to respond to this inquiry. Through studying the impact of intraregional constitutional design, I aim to understand why states adopt environmental rights. I argue that regional isomorphism—i.e., the tendency among states within a region to converge on certain policies—may explain the trend toward constitutionalization of environmental rights. In this paper I (1) define and provide historical background on environmental rights, (2) describe theories which support regional isomorphism as a means of explaining the adoption of constitutional environmental rights, and (3) conduct statistical tests to determine the validity of the regional isomorphism thesis. I find that the enactment of constitutional environmental rights within a region does not increase the likelihood that another state within the same region will include environmental rights within its constitution.     

反腐倡廉制度创新：实践探索及其成效经验

反腐倡廉制度建设不仅是党的制度建设的重要组成部分,也是反腐倡廉建设的重要保障。在革命、建设和改革开放的不同历史阶段,中国共产党高度自觉地把党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争摆在十分重要的位置,始终坚持以人为本的价值取向、维护公平正义的目标导向和防止利益冲突的路径方向,不断致力于反腐倡廉制度建设和制度创新,着力从源头上遏制腐败的发生,内容科学、程序严密、配套完备、有效管用的反腐倡廉制度体系初步建立,实现了从主要依靠运动和权力反腐败向依靠教育和制度反腐败的转型．反腐倡廉建设的科学化水平不断提高。     

高校廉政文化建设的现状、不足及对策

加强高校廉政文化建设是高校党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争的必然要求,是建设社会主义大学的客观需要。高校需要通过健全廉政文化建设的领导体制和工作机制,制定合理而有效的规章制度,创新形式和内容,因人分岗施教,推进廉洁文化进校园,努力营造干部廉洁从政、教师廉洁从教、职工廉洁从业、学生廉洁修身的良好校园氛围,为高校的反腐倡廉建设提供文化支撑。