西方自然法思想的合理内核及其借鉴

自然法学说在西方法律思想中占有重要地位,它几乎贯穿西方法律思想史的全过程。理性主义是自然法思想的精髓。借鉴西方自然法思想的合理内核对我国的法治建设具有重要意义。     

《管子》思想与古代自然法学说同异之研讨

《管子》思想与自然法（natural law）学说比较接近,都主张人定法需遵循一定的原则,以及承认永恒不变的原则存在。自然法学说坚称违背自然法的人定法无效力可言,并将永恒原则与人定法区别开来。管子学说主张制定法在现实中具最高效力,未有永恒原则与制定法的严格区分。双方在永恒原则的内容上存在诸多差异,如自然法主张平等、正义、人人得其所应得等无差别地适用于所有人的原则;管子学说却将人划为君臣父子等不同的身份级别,主张不同级别间的服从及统属。     

再论界定准物权客体的思维模式及方法

将自然资源界定为准物权的客体，只有将权利抵押权和权利质权排除于准物权的体系才可成立，且需要进一步类型化。对于野生动物，至少有三种解读，即原物与其成分及其关系、单一物与集合物简单对应关系、单一物与双重集合物对应关系。每种解读的法律构成和效果不尽相同。“一定之水”与“局部的水资源”所指向的对象在实质上相同，而非不同，但以哪个为基点，在理论说明上会有微妙的变化。狩猎权的客体不是单一的个体野生动物，也不是单一的狩猎场所，而是一定的狩猎场所与其承载的局部的野生动物资源。     

Reframing Orientalism: Weber and Islam

In debates on the encounters of Middle Eastern societies with Western modernity, Max Weber's work is invariably seen as the classical statement of what may be called sociological Orientalism. Most 'Third Worldist' and other anti-Orientalist critics locate Weberian and neo-Weberian perspectives within Orientalism as a discourse of Western domination which has remained hegemonic since the mid-nineteenth century. In contrast, this paper argues that only with the victory of the Bolsheviks in 1917 and the subsequent consolidation of the Soviet bloc were conditions in place for the re-articulation of Orientalism as an ideological construct, a discourse of domination. Weber as well as Marx and other pre-Soviet thinkers are thus relocated outside the reach of the Orientalist/anti-Orientalist opposition, where they display significant differences from both. The essay then turns to reconsider W'eber's specific research programme and his views on Islam and shows their intrinsic limitations for the current debate over the rise and trajectory of militant Islamism. It concludes by outlining a still recognizably Weberian strategy for resolving this debate.     

Dividing the Oils: Dynamic Bargaining as Policy Formation in the Nigerian Petroleum Industry

In academic studies of the interface between developing countries and large multinational oil corporations, scholars have noted that over time and through repeated interaction, the developing countries tend to negotiate better outcomes for themselves: they progress along a learning curve by incrementally improving their outcomes through bargaining and strategic interaction. This phenomenon can be demonstrated in a number of oil-rich developing countries. Nigeria's case, however, is more complex. During the two decades following its independence, the state successfully negotiated for more control over—made strides in the developing of the skills necessary to manage—its petroleum industry, as our model would predict. Then, in a puzzling late-1970s-to-mid-1980s change of course, the government abruptly gave back concessions, undermined local entrepreneurial endeavors, and repealed indigenization laws. This paper combines, in the analytic narrative tradition, the case study method with an extensive form game; it applies a dynamic bargaining model to Nigeria's historical experience, demonstrating that Nigeria improved its outcomes and ascended along the "bargaining learning curve," only to reverse policy and "unlearn," with serious consequences for the Nigerian population. Even so, the demonstration of both successful and improved outcomes in past negotiations give evidence that Nigeria could once again ascend its bargaining learning curve if the government were to re-commit to such a policy.     

俄罗斯远东地区与亚太各国多方合作的基础设施

俄罗斯的石油、天然气、电能非常丰富．而东北亚各国,主要是中国、日本和韩国资源有限．不能满足经济发展的需要。这就为俄罗斯与亚太地区各国。特别是上述３国进行资源合作提供了可能。俄罗斯不仅可以出口石油、天然气、电能、还可以与各国合作开发资源。可以想象。这必然会促进亚太和东北亚地区根本的、长期的国际合作。     

《个人独资企业法》调整主体范围浅议

《个人独资企业法》主体范围不明确 ,造成实践中某些企业难以纳入法制管理。作者认为 ,个人独资企业法的主体应包括有商学的个体工商户、私营企业     

The ‘tenure guidelines’ as a tool for democratising land and resource control in Latin America

Abstract

The current configuration of global land politics – who gets what land, how, how much, why and with what implications in urban and rural spaces in the Global South and North – brings disparate social groups, governments and social movements with different sectoral and class interests into the issue of natural resource politics. Governance instruments must be able to capture the ‘political moment’ marked by the increasing intersection of issues and state and social forces that mobilise around these. This paper looks at whether and how the Voluntary Guidelines on Responsible Governance of Tenure of Land, Fisheries and Forests in the Context of National Food Security (also known as the TGs) passed in 2012 in the United Nations Committee for Food Security (CFS) can contribute to democratising resource politics today. This work puts forward some initial ideas about how systematic research into the TGs can be done more meaningfully.     

Silos as barriers to public sector climate adaptation and preparedness: insights from road closures in Norway

Organisational perspectives propose that structural arrangements affect policy outcomes. Drawing on these perspectives, it is worthwhile to find out whether and how disagreements among public authorities create barriers to public sector adaptation and preparedness. As the literature on weather vulnerabilities and climate adaptation recommends increased public sector coordination, exploring the possibilities of governance can contribute to the improvement of lifeline conditions. Insights from a Norwegian case study suggest that the different mandates of responsible public authorities sometimes clash. Such clashes limit the abilities to sustain welfare and business conditions when avalanches and blizzards cause highway outages. The findings also show that governance might only partly improve public sector peril response measures, as there is rarely sufficient flexibility to consider specific interests or preferences, for example, to keep a highway open until a school bus or a freight delivery has passed.     

Assessing the credibility of how climate adaptation aid projects are categorised

This article presents the findings of a re-evaluation of all 5,200 aid projects that OECD donors reported for 2012 as “climate change adaptation”-related, based on the “Rio marker” classification system. The findings confirm those from the academic and grey literature that the absence of independent quality control makes the adaptation Rio marker data almost entirely unreliable. This lack of credibility impedes meaningful assessments of progress toward the mainstreaming of adaptation in development cooperation activities. It also erodes trust in international climate negotiations, given that these data are frequently used in the financial reporting of developed countries to the UNFCCC.