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11.
Allison M. Archer 《政治交往》2018,35(3):353-370
The press is essential for creating an informed citizenry, but its existence depends on attracting and maintaining an audience. It is unclear whether supply-side effects—including those dictated by the owners of the media—influence how the media cover politics, yet this question is essential given their abilities to set the agenda and frame issues that are covered. We examine how ownership influences media behavior by investigating the impact of Rupert Murdoch’s purchase of the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) in August 2007. We collect data on every front-page story and editorial for 27 months, and we compare the difference in political coverage between the New York Times (NYT) and WSJ using a difference-in-differences design. We show that the amount of political content in the opinion pages of the two papers were unchanged by the sale, but the WSJ’s front-page coverage of politics increased markedly relative to the NYT. Similar patterns emerge when comparing the WSJ’s content to USA Today and the Washington Post. Our finding highlights potential limits to journalists’ ability to fulfill their supposed watchdog role in democracies without interference from owners in the boardroom. 相似文献
12.
Mark Pope 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2017,10(1):138-161
This article on drone strikes in Pakistan offers a distinctive empirical case study for critical scholarship of counterterrorism. By asking how cosmopolitanism has developed through UK news discourse, it also provides a constructivist contribution to the literature on drones. I argue that UK news discourse is not cosmopolitan because it focuses on risk and places the Other beyond comprehension. US–UK networked counterterrorism operations have complicated accountability, and while a drive for certainty promoted more scrutiny of policy, news media outlets, academics and activists turned to statistical and visual genres of communication that have inhibited understanding of the Other. 相似文献
13.
Despite important inroads, women’s marginalization in the public sphere is still very real. From a feminist theoretical perspective, and informed by Guy Debord’s conceptualization of the society of spectacle, this study examines local and national newspaper coverage of Wendy Davis’s filibuster to block an abortion-restricting bill in the Texas State legislature in 2013. Qualitative and quantitative assessments show that gender was particularly encoded and marked in the mediated discourse, with reports focusing on Davis’ personal life and giving her celebrity status. The filibuster became a political spectacle that reified dominant gender values and norms. 相似文献
14.
GUNNAR THESEN PETER B. MORTENSEN CHRISTOFFER GREEN-PEDERSEN 《European Journal of Political Research》2020,59(3):555-577
An extensive body of research documents how governing parties generally suffer electoral defeats. Varying explanations have been offered, most of which touch upon the liabilities of policy responsibility. Although media coverage is generally acknowledged as one of these liabilities, few empirical studies have examined how news content affect government support. Based on the fact that voters get their information about politics, policies and societal issues from the media, this article studies how the constant stream of negative news influences incumbent support over a 20-year period in Denmark. Modeling a previously untested argument on the cost of ruling, it shows that the accumulation of bad news throughout tenure exerts a substantial effect on government support. 相似文献
15.
This article explores how the UK’s fact-checking organisation Full Fact has sought to tackle misinformation since its inception in 2010. Full Fact describes itself as a ‘second generation’ fact-checking organisation with dual aims of seeking to stop the spread of specific pieces of inaccurate information and using the evidence base from fact checking to secure systemic changes that help make misinformation rarer and less harmful. Ultimately, we are pursuing culture change. We are trying to create institutions in societies that can help anchor public debate to reality and to challenge the casual acceptance of deceptive and misleading behaviour. 相似文献
16.
This article explores the construction of extremism in media discourse, the factors driving specific constructions and the implications of these constructions for counterterrorism policy. We contend that extremism has predominantly and increasingly been framed as a security issue. This article explores the implications of this practice through the framework of securitisation. We measure the average intensity of security framing in 38,616 articles found in three major US newspapers, New York Times, Wall Street Journal and Los Angeles Times, between 20 January 1993 and 19 January 2017 comprising the Clinton, Bush and Obama presidencies, and look at factors influencing the shift in intensity over time. Through our analysis, we show that it is possible to return to a pre-9/11 discourse but that the confluence of real-world events and the strategic choices of political actors have so far prevented this from fully occurring. We then explore the effect of securitisation on public perceptions of the threat from terrorism, finding that increases in the intensity of security framing artificially increases the public’s worry about becoming a victim of terrorism. We conclude by discussing implications for the communication of counterterrorism policy and the requirements for an after, after 9/11 approach 相似文献
17.
Mordecai Lee 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2002,2(2):33-43
Public reporting is a requirement for public affairs practitioners in public administration because of the democratic context in which government operates. By reporting to the public‐at‐large on agency activities, government agencies contributed to an informed citizenry, the essential foundation of a democracy. For public affairs in business administration and non‐profit administration, public reporting is desirable rather than mandatory. Public reporting was traditionally accomplished indirectly, through news media coverage of government. However, recent research suggests a diminution of interest by the media in fulfilling its role as an instrument of democracy. This means that the public reporting obligation of public affairs professionals in public administration needs to shift to direct reporting, through such products as annual reports, newsletters, TV programmes, Internet websites etc. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications. 相似文献
18.
张国琦 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2004,2(3):102-103
完善新闻舆论监督机制,充分发挥新闻媒体对社会,特别是对公共权力的监督作用,是衡 量国家政治文明和社会进步的重要标志。我国需要进一步完善新闻舆论监督机制,这对促进"依 法治国,建设社会主义法治国家"目标的实现具有十分重要的现实意义。 相似文献
19.
廖毅文 《南京政治学院学报》2001,17(5):101-103
军事新闻宣传传统的宣传模式和新闻理念面对不断发展变化的受众群体显露出强烈落差和不足 :宣传报道面窄 ,难以全面反映部队丰富多彩的生活和官兵的精神风貌 ;行政干预和人为操作取代新闻规律的现象时有发生 ;典型宣传数量多 ,质量不高 ;手法陈旧 ,模式老套。面临着新时期为“打得赢”提供强大精神动力 ,为“不变质”提供可靠政治保证 ,军事新闻宣传亟需改进与加强。 相似文献
20.
卢雪艳 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2008,8(4):32-35,74
政府引导舆论的能力是促进社会和谐的重要因素,由于新闻素养的缺乏,我国政府官员在应对媒体时出现本领危机和知识恐慌,应从提高适应媒体能力,塑造政府良好形象和处理好与媒体的关系等三方面来提高政府官员的新闻素养及应对媒体的能力,从而加强政府对舆论的引导能力。 相似文献