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121.
Abstract

In this paper, we ask what sets of factors influence the timing and the content of presidential candidate press releases. Utilizing a unique data set, we examine the influence of internal campaign factors as well as external media factors on campaign information dissemination during the invisible primary season. We find that both types of factors may influence the timing of press releases; as to content, however, media norms are less likely to alter a candidate's general strategic message, which is dictated by his competitive status and national stature.  相似文献   
122.
Postcards are an important resource that has been largely overlooked in mainstream research on historical events, political attitudes, perceptions, propaganda, and communication. Accordingly, this article expands the relevance of the postcard from social artifact to historical document embodying social and political messages. In particular, the article examines the images and representations used in cartographic postcards during and after the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905). Not only is this relevant to the study of political propaganda, but also for the study of historic media, popular consumption of political messaging, and as an additional tool with which to study the history of international politics and communication. The political history leading up to the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War is briefly covered. Images of cartographic postcards are examined in context of the conflict, with the goal of gaining a greater appreciation for postcards as a form of early “soft news” visual mass media. As such, this is a means by which imperial attitudes and public opinion were shaped. Recommendations are made to broaden the use of postcards as primary documents, especially as these cards are enjoying an online renaissance (e.g., collecting, displaying, discussing). They are valuable in augmenting a variety of research agendas and are fruitful for the study of early modern mass media, social history, public discourse, and political messaging with regard to soft news and public opinion.  相似文献   
123.
Wei Wu  David Weaver 《政治交往》2013,30(2):239-242
Abstract

How do the news media help construct election mandates? By interpreting an election victory broadly, the news media can facilitate the implementation of a newly elected government's program. Conversely, the media can constrain a newly elected government by interpreting the election as influenced by factors other than ideology, primarily retrospective evaluations of the outgoing government's performance. Studies of how the media interpret election results have offered only speculation on why the media choose certain narratives while discarding plausible alternatives. Through a systematic examination of six Canadian elections, this article identifies key variables that explain the media's choices. I found that the media tended to confer a mandate when the victorious party focused on its policy intentions during the campaign and when the party was conservative; they tended to confer a “personal mandate” when newly elected leaders were facing their first election. In general, the news media quickly settled on one narrative, did not support this decision using quantitative data such as exit polls, and tended to depoliticize the public sphere by framing most results as devoid of ideological content.  相似文献   
124.
David Weaver 《政治交往》2013,30(3):319-320
“Special Emphasis: Agenda‐Setting Research—20 Year Birthday,” Journalism Quarterly, 69, 4 (Winter 1992), 813–920.  相似文献   
125.
Written news coverage of an event influences public perception and understanding of that event. Through agenda setting and news framing, journalists control the importance and substance of readers’ beliefs about the event. While existing research has been conducted on the relationship between media coverage and the geographic location of the country an event took place in, there is limited understanding of this relationship in terms of terrorist events. Utilising an agenda-setting theory and news framing theory lens to compare news coverage of the January 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, France, and Borno, Nigeria revealed significant variances in the overall coverage, headline style and discourse usage based on the event. In particular, the American news coverage positively framed France through detailed, sympathetic coverage and negatively framed Nigeria by overgeneralising and placing blame. Determining the origin and impacts of these variances is integral to forming a more comprehensive understanding of international terrorism and the most effective ways to combat it.  相似文献   
126.
Markus Prior 《政治交往》2013,30(4):620-634
Political communication research has long been plagued by inaccurate self-reports of media exposure. Dilliplane, Goldman, and Mutz (2013) Dilliplane, S., Goldman, S. and Mutz, D. 2013. Televised exposure to politics: New measures for a fragmented media environment. American Journal of Political Science, 57: 236248. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] [Google Scholar] propose a new survey-based measure of “televised exposure to politics” that avoids some of the features that lead to self-report error and that has already been adopted by the American National Election Study. Yet the validity of the new measure has not been independently tested. An analysis reveals several weaknesses. First, construct validity of the new measure is low because it does not attempt to measure the amount of exposure to news programs, news channels, or news overall. Second, its convergent validity is poor by several different criteria. For example, the new measure shows barely any increase in news exposure as the 2008 presidential election approached. Third, the authors' criterion for predictive validity is neither necessary nor sufficient. Dilliplane, Goldman, and Mutz are right that measuring the media exposure of survey respondents in a valid and reliable way is critical for progress in political communication research. But given the inability of many respondents to report their own exposure, it is necessary to monitor the media use of survey respondents automatically.  相似文献   
127.
Presidential debates allow candidates to send a message directly to voters. We use an experimental design complemented with a content analysis of all presidential debates in 1992, 2004, and 2008 to explore how candidates should and do use agenda setting, framing, and message tone to shape the agenda in debates. We find that candidates are differentially attentive to various topics, depending on the comparative advantage provided by the topic. Yet, this agenda control occurs only at the margins because topic salience in public opinion predicts candidate attention and conditions voters' receptiveness to debate rhetoric. Our findings thus suggest that topic salience constrains candidates' abilities to focus the agenda strategically.

[Supplementary material is available for this article. Go to the publisher's online edition of Political Communication for the following free supplemental resources: Experimental Sample and Randomization; Experimental Treatments; Experimental Results; and the Presidential Debate Rhetoric Codebook.]  相似文献   
128.
《民法典》第1025条规定了针对新闻报道、舆论监督等行为的公共利益目的抗辩,首次将新闻报道、舆论监督等行为的特殊免责事由写入法律。它需要弥补此前实务中引入的公众人物理论的不足,提供确定性规则。依据宪法,名誉权与表达自由均未被赋予绝对优先的地位,公共利益目的抗辩需要平衡好两者的关系。在适用时,可通过价值填充与规则再造实现法规范的进一步具体化。前者指根据法规范的目的及内容完成价值填充,后者指限缩案件范围,区分公共利益的界定主体与确认主体,将公共利益目的抗辩融入我国侵权责任法体系中,在个案中审慎开展利益衡量。  相似文献   
129.
当各种突发事件和公共危机频繁触动人们的神经,成为时下社会最为敏感的话题时,人们不得不更为虔诚地相信和依赖政府。政府如何满足社会公众对信息公开、透明的需求,在危机管理中把握舆论导向、巩固和完善政府形象、保持社会稳定和谐有序地运转,危机新闻发言人制度就被特别提上政府议程,成为当下政府化危机为转机的关键。  相似文献   
130.
在美国各州,记者享有在法庭上拒绝作证的权利,因此,哪些人是记者,即法律上确定"记者"的含义非常重要。美国存在联邦和州两个法律体系。在联邦法律体系中,至今不承认记者有拒证权。而在各州的法律体系中,36个州和哥伦比亚特区存在保护记者拒证权的"盾牌法"。根据立法和判例,美国法律认为所有以从事大众传播为目的的媒体记者都可以是记者,无论是出版社、报刊、广播、电视还是互联网站、博客或者其他电子媒体。个人要成为实质上的记者必须具备两个条件:一是实际参与了将要发表或者已经发表的报道的调查与采访;二是在开始收集新闻的过程中就有将报道向公众传播的明确意图。记者也不总是那些已经发表了作品的人,对于有证据证明,其调查、采访、写作的目的是为了完成作品向大众传播,那么无论他处于调查、采访、写作的哪个阶段,他都是"记者",可以享受记者拒证权。  相似文献   
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