江泽民对邓小平新闻思想的发展与创新

邓小平、江泽民非常重视中国的新闻事业,他们的新闻思想既各具特色,又一脉相承,并且后一代对前一代的新闻思想进行了系统的发展与创新.     

人文精神：新闻的自觉追求

在新闻体系中起决定作用的是人,凡是新闻报道所能企及的地方,都离不开人的活动,新闻的终极关怀应该是对人的关怀。作为新闻工作者,应该具有一个共同的性格特征:关注社会、关注新闻、关注别人,而且必须从别人不曾注意的小事中发现预示社会进步、彰显人性的有深度的新闻。强调情感、欲望、意志等非理性因素的人文精神正在成为这个时代新闻报道的自觉追求。     

完善公安新闻发言人制度的思考

建立公安新闻发言人制度是完善警情通报机制的重要手段之一。由于公安新闻发言人制度还处于发展的初始阶段,以致仍存在诸多不足。因此,应以法治化的视角看待公安新闻发言人制度的完善,使之得到法律认可和法律保障。同时,还应明确新闻发布的警情信息内容,提高新闻发言人在公安机关的地位及其基本素质,增强新闻发布的时效性并扩大其适用范围。     

新闻犯罪的预防与抗制

新闻犯罪是伴随信息社会的到来所必然出现的社会问题,它的产生是由新闻工作者新闻法制观念的淡薄、新闻媒介和新闻记者地位的错位、正确价值观念的沦丧三方面所致.新闻犯罪具有主体特征、主观特征、客体特征及客观特征,打击并有效控制此类犯罪的必要途径是完善刑事立法、发挥刑法威慑作用并辅以法律、职业道德培训.     

论舆论监督的有效途径

在现代民主法治国家,舆论监督在社会生活中扮演着非常重要的角色。在我国,舆论监督越来越 受到公众的关注,并在推进改革、防止腐败和保护公民权等方面发挥着重要的作用。加强新闻立 法工作,推动舆论监督法治化;完善舆论监督外部环境的制度建设;建立监督主体的自律机制,是 完善这一制度的有效途径。     

犯罪新闻报道中隐私权的法律保护

隐私权作为当代社会基本人权之一,越来越被世界各国所重视。要维护新闻报道中公众人物的隐私权,尤其是犯罪新闻报道中的隐私权,就必须完善相关的立法,尽快出台《新闻出版法》及《新闻法》,同时要加强媒体自律意识,自觉遵守职业道德规范。     

从语气角度看英语政治演讲中人际功能的实现

目前,英语政治演讲在国内和国际事务中起着举足轻重的地位,而演讲语言也日益成为人们研究的重点。以韩礼德的语言三大元功能之一的人际功能为理论框架,从自建演讲语篇语料库中抽样选出20篇英语政治演讲为研究样本,从语气系统角度,根据演讲者所充当的提供信息和要求行动的言语角色,探究英语政治演讲中人际功能实现的语言学特点,从而提高英语演讲和英语交际能力。     

社会环境的变化对警察执法公信力的影响

当前我国正处于社会转型的关键时期,公安工作所面临的政治、经济、法律、文化等各方面的环境发生了深刻的变化.近年来,我国警察执法公信力之所以受到各方的关注,其原因不仅在于公安机关本身,还在于公安工作所面临的外部环境发生了变化,如行政权力干预、民生问题、公众的认知、新闻媒体的报道等都会对警察执法公信力产生影响.     

The tussle with trust: Trust in the news media ecology

This article offers a conceptual exploration of the changing notion of trust and distrust in today's news media ecology. Central is the question whether the relationship between the traditional media actors, media organisations, journalists and news users, can be increasingly characterised by distrust. Do we really notice a decline in trust in the news media? And moreover, are these feelings of distrust grounded? In order to answer these questions, we look at the changing economic, technological and societal context and how this might explain the strained relationship between these actors. We find that to a large extent the goals of the media actors diverge or even conflict. Mutually bridging these goals is difficult as they boil down to ideological and normative choices. This requires us to reconsider our ways of looking at trust. Therefore, this article's central argument is that a trusted relationship between the media actors is unlikely to result from a definitive settlement between the actor's conflicting goals. Rather, maintaining a trusted relationship is likely to become a matter of constant renegotiation. For this renegotiation to succeed, transparency and integrity are key. We find inspiration in the recent work of Solove (2001), Nissenbaum (2004) and Mansell (2008, forthcoming) to take a different, more contextual approach towards the notion of trust. As regards the relationship between news organisations and users, we suggest these norms should be negotiated in a balanced and transparent way, giving users an equal say in the process. The relationship between journalists and news users should be guided by a mutual interest in truth telling, whereby users are not only merely seen as consumers, but also as potential contributors to news stories. Policy makers in turn should act as facilitators of such spaces of renegotiation.     

Institutional journalism in a revolutionary crisis: the press as an aide to the Muslim Brotherhood 2011–2012

This article is based on the hypothesis that the Egyptian institutional media played an active role in the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’ revolution in 2011 and analyzes how Egypt's official newspapers constructed and presented a moderate and positive image of the Muslim Brotherhood (hereinafter the Brotherhood) despite the fact that they had labeled the Brotherhood ‘the outlawed movement’ a year earlier. In order to examine whether their attitudes changed after the downfall of the Mubarak regime, a critical discourse analysis of newspaper texts has been made of the news columns written throughout 2011 of two of the most popular Egyptian newspapers – al-Ahram (n = 115) and al-Gumhuriyya (n = 94) both of which identify with the Egyptian government's official policy. In addition, an analysis made of three of the Brotherhood's publications (n = 72) (N = 281) revealed that the Brotherhood exploited the printed media not only to replace the regime but also to gain control of its narrative. Ultimately, by controlling the shaping of public opinion, the media contributed to the drawing of a parallel between the motivation that formed the basis of the mass protest and the Brotherhood's agenda.