Government with a Cast of Dozens: Policy Capacity Risks and Policy Work in the Northern Territory

There are a number challenges to maintaining high‐quality policy capacity in sparsely populated areas such as Australia's Northern Territory (e.g. natural resource dependent economy, prominence of Indigenous issues, provision of local services). Moreover, the Territory government has recently been undergoing a host of public sector changes. This paper utilises survey methodologies of policy workers that were recently developed in Canada and examines nine risk factors to policy work. A survey of 119 policy workers in the Northern Territory was conducted in 2013. The analysis examined four key policy‐work areas (policy activities, barriers, areas for improved policy capacity, nature of change in work environment). The survey findings offer some practical insights for managers. Formal policy‐work training is recognised as critical. Policy capacity may be increased through better inter‐departmental (and potentially inter‐governmental) cooperation and information sharing, more opportunities to engage with non‐governmental stakeholders, and more opportunities for those leaving the full‐time Northern Territory policy workforce to continue to contribute. From a conceptual point of view, the extent to which ‘policy capacity’ as commonly conceived in the literature is applicable to contexts, such as Australia's Northern Territory, warrants further examination.     

Introduction: understanding the consequences of the Arab uprisings – starting points and divergent trajectories

This introduction sets the context for the following articles by first conceptualizing the divergent post-uprising trajectories taken by varying states: these are distinguished first by whether state capacity collapses or persists, and if it persists, whether the outcome is a hybrid regime or polyarchy. It then assesses how far starting points – the features of the regime and of the uprising – explain these pathways. Specifically, the varying levels of anti-regime mobilization, explained by factors such as levels of grievances, patterns of cleavages, and opportunity structure, determine whether rulers are quickly removed or stalemate sets in. Additionally, the ability of regime and opposition softliners to reach a transition pact greatly shapes democratic prospects. But, also important is the capacity – coercive and co-optative – of the authoritarian rulers to resist, itself a function of factors such as the balance between the patrimonial and bureaucratic features of neo-patrimonial regimes.     

鉴定机构性质辨析

司法鉴定的社会化加剧了鉴定机构经济利益与社会公信力之间的矛盾,引发了人们对鉴定机构性质定位的思考与讨论。鉴定机构究竟应定位为商业服务机构,还是公益性的服务机构,成为争论的焦点。笔者从分析司法鉴定机构的四个属性入手,提出鉴定机构应当具有独立性、中立性、服务性和公益性。鉴定机构公益性的理论和实践依据包括:鉴定活动的本质决定了鉴定机构应当具有一定的公益性;司法鉴定的专业性决定了其无法完全实现市场化;司法鉴定全面市场化将产生一系列不良后果。基于对鉴定机构性质的这一认识,我们应当加强司法鉴定管理,对特殊专业领域的鉴定机构进行扶持,并应尽快明确鉴定机构的收费标准。     

EVIDENCE OF A DIFFERENT NATURE: THE CHILD‐ RESPONSIVE AND LESS ADVERSARIAL INITIATIVES OF THE FAMILY COURT OF AUSTRALIA

This article charts the constellation of vision and research that underpin a new era in the Family Court of Australia, focusing on the development and outcomes of two programs that have attempted to meaningfully reinforce the centrality of children's rights and needs in family court proceedings. The Less Adversarial Trial and its front‐end Child Responsive Program (CRP) both aim to minimise the potentially negative effects on parents of a litigation process by application of a more intensive case management model adopted with the intention of altering the parents’ experience of the journey. Key features of this approach include the adoption of inquisitorial techniques, which include direct consultation with children through the CRP, modified application of the rules of evidence, and strong judicial management rather than being party driven. Findings from two studies into the pilot Children's Cases Program (now the Less Adversarial Trial) and the CRP are discussed. Significantly, evidence is outlined around the capacity of the new processes to impact on both the co‐parenting and parent–child relationships and to influence short‐term adjustment of complex families in high‐conflict dispute. In encouraging a more active focus on children's needs and views and by facilitating a stronger voice for children in proceedings that affect them, both initiatives advance Australia's commitments under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.     

关于监护人对未成年人致人损害的赔偿责任

监护人对未成年人致人损害的责任是一种特殊的侵权责任。我国《民法通则》第133条及相关规定不尽合理。因此，有必要以未成年人侵权责任能力制度为切入点，探讨监护人对未成年人致人损害的责任的形态、委托监护时监护人的责任等问题。     

信息时代大学生的智能培养

随着信息科学技术的迅猛发展，社会对高素质复合型人才的需求日益迫切，人才的竞争日益激烈。大学生智能水平的高低，直接影响着其是否能在踏入社会时获取事业的成功，成功实现自身的价值。大学生要开创智慧和成功的人生，就必须加强智能的发展。     

我国政府执行力的现状与对策

政府执行力是政府组织不可忽视的核心要素,是维系一个政府机构生存和发展的决定性力量。政府执行力的高低,决定着政府有关政策、决策是否能贯彻实施。本文拟从政府执行力的含义及构成要素着手,通过对我国政府执行力现状的阐述,分析了我国政府执行力低下的原因,并提出提高我国政府执行力的对策。     

加强农村村民自治条件下党的执政能力建设

在新的形势下,加强和改善党对农村工作的领导,提高党的执政能力,是一个紧迫的实践课题。根据农村改革与发展的实际情况,应着重提高党的思想理论教育宣传能力、领导农村全面、持续、协调发展能力、协调整合能力、制度设计与完善能力、基层组织自身建设能力。     

略论从整体上推进党的执政能力建设

党的整体、各级党组织、党的领导干部、党员队伍是党的执政能力建设四个不同层次的主体。党的整体的执政能力是党的执政能力建设的根本;党的各级组织是党的执政能力建设的重点环节;提高干部队伍素质是加强党的执政能力建设的关键;加强党员队伍建设是提高党的执政能力的基础。     

进一步提高民族地区党组织执政能力的对策研究

民族地区各级党组织要进一步提高执政能力,就必须高度重视提高各级领导干部的马克思主义宗教理论和民族理论水平,进一步增强解决地方实际问题的能力;要形成实践中出干部的机制,在复杂的环境中砺练其处变不惊的能力和品格,提高其应对复杂局面的能力;重视提高领导干部的法治意识,提高依法执政的能力.