论“网络”信息时代的公安舆论引导

由于公安工作的特殊性,广大群众对涉及公安题材的报道尤为关注,由此产生的网络舆论,其作用也日益突出。公安部门无论是在思想观念上,还是在工作措施、工作机制上,都存在诸多不相适应的问题。为给公安工作创造一个良好的舆论环境,公安部门必须解放思想,转变观念．加强网络舆情控制,建立公安舆论的引导机制,同时还要加强与国内主流媒体和各大网站的联系沟通,强化公安宣传队伍建设．加大执法力度,才能真正保障网络舆论宣传的健康、安全。     

信息化战争中我军舆论战战法的构建

信息化战争按时间可划分为扼制战争阶段、战前准备阶段、战争实施阶段、战争结束阶段。科学构建信息化战争中我军舆论战战法,需要将信息化战争各阶段舆论战的“重心”细化为各种具体任务,针对每个任务提出相关战法。     

检察机关技术性证据审查制度研究

我国检察机关技术性证据审查制度呈现出保障技术性证据质量、监督制约公安机关对技术性证据的取证水平、弥补相关人员不出庭的制度局限、促进检察机关重新配置资源等功能特点。检察机关针对审查技术性证据的文件扩展了技术性证据的范围,明确了进行审查的有专门知识的人的来源与条件,规定了审查人员的安全、费用各项保障与审查人员的义务。但从制度史的阐释而言,证据审查制度仍面临制度定位不清晰、配套机制不流畅以及内部技术资源短缺等问题。为落实检察机关对技术性证据的有效审查,充分发挥技术性证据在案件中的应有作用,不仅需要明确将技术性证据审查意见书仅作为审判参考,将技术审查人员定位于专家辅助人的角色,而且还应建立技术性证据审查专门制度,进一步完善技术性证据的审查范围与启动条件,合理配编司法技术人员、建立技术专家名单、鼓励帮助技术人员提升业务能力。     

论战时舆论动员

舆论动员在战争舞台上扮演着越来越重要的角色。与其他战争动员样式相比,舆论动员是一种精神动员、信息动员、公众动员和媒体动员,是实现战时快速动员的基本保证,直接影响着战争的进程和结局。中国共产党在长期革命斗争实践中,构建了独具特色的战时舆论动员范式。其中,对战时舆论动员基本原则的范式认知主要包括:军事斗争谋略与舆论宣传思想高度统一,政治斗争规律与舆论宣传规律高度统一,舆论宣传实践与马克思主义新闻思想高度统一;对战时舆论动员基本路径的范式认知主要包括:争取一切力量扩大舆论阵地,整合新闻资源形成舆论强势,运用典型示范引导舆论走向。     

‘Fear and loathing across party lines’ (also) in Europe: Affective polarisation in European party systems

Several scholars in the United States have recently addressed an increased partisan animosity between Democrats and Republicans, and have termed this phenomenon ‘affective polarisation’. This surge in partisan affective polarisation is perceived to be highly problematic, as it has been found to have a negative impact on the functioning of the party system and even society at large. The aim of this article is to study the concept of affective polarisation in European party systems. It introduces the Affective Polarisation Index (API) that allows for measuring and comparing levels of affective polarisation also in multiparty systems. This novel measure is applied to 22 European democracies and the United States between 2005 and 2016. The results indicate that affective polarisation is acutely present in European party systems, as partisans are often extremely hostile towards competing parties. The most affectively polarised countries are in Central Eastern and Southern Europe where the degree of affective polarisation is notably higher than it is in the United States, while Northwestern European countries are more moderate in terms of partisan feelings. Further analysis reveals that affective polarisation is significantly correlated with ideological polarisation, but the relationship between the two appears to be conditional: in some Western European political systems ideological polarisation does not lead itself to strong interparty hostility, while in Central Eastern Europe a high degree of affective polarisation can be present even in ideologically centrist party structures. These findings validate the claim that ideological and affective polarisation are two distinct aspects of polarisation, and that the latter also merits additional attention.     

Are they listening? Public opinion,interest groups and government responsiveness

What is the role of interest groups in the transmission of issues between the public and government policy? While government responsiveness to voters has received widespread scholarly attention, little is known about the role of interest groups in the transmission of public opinion to government. It is argued here that interest groups importantly influence government responsiveness to public opinion, but that the effect varies by type of interest group: while cause groups increase the responsiveness of governments to their electorate, sectional groups decrease government responsiveness. Drawing on a new and unique dataset, this article examines the relationship between public opinion, interest groups and government expenditure across 13 policy areas in Germany from 1986 until 2012 and shows that interest groups indeed have a differential effect on the responsiveness of governments. The article’s findings have important implications for understanding political representation and the largely overlooked relationship between public opinion, interest groups and government policy.     

国内外舆情治理研究热点及趋势分析

以CNKI和Web of science核心数据库收录2002-1-1至2019-12-31文献为研究样本,运用Cite Space软件及文献计量方法,通过国内外文献样本对比研究,分析舆情治理领域研究起源、演化路径、热点及研究趋势。发现:已有的国内外研究热点主要集中在网络舆情演化机理的探讨和分析,使用大数据技术对网络舆情分析、研判、预测和预警,网络舆情监管和治理这三个方面;国外舆情治理的研究趋势是舆情演化影响因素分析、社交媒体情感行为分析和大数据网络舆情技术研究;国内舆情治理研究趋势是舆情信息分析研究、舆情的管理及公共政策制定研究、大数据驱动的隐私保护机制、利益相关者及信息生态研究。研究结论对舆情治理领域科学研究和实践应用具有一定的参考价值。     

Nobody Is a Prophet in their Own Land? Evaluations of Pope Francis in Latin America

Using data drawn from surveys of Latin American elites and citizens, this article aims to analyse the determinants of evaluations of Pope Francis, with a special focus on ideology and religious denomination, religiosity, and trustworthiness of the Catholic Church. Results show that the Pope remains linked to opinions on the Church, but not to religiosity, and that differences in personal religious affiliations (or lack thereof) among respondents are sharper among citizens than among elites. Furthermore, Pope Francis is found to be not closely associated to the left–right axis in Latin America, except in the case of Argentine MPs, where the right-leaning members express lower opinions of the Pope.     

论舆论战的几个基本问题

舆论战已经成为我军政治工作的重要作战样式。不断创新舆论战法,加强舆论战与心理战、法律战之间的高度协同,完善舆论管控体系,加快专业人才队伍建设,是夺取现代战争制舆论传播权的根本保障。     

威尔逊的行政监督思想及其现代启示2)Wilson’sA

介绍了威尔逊的行政监督思想。威尔逊行政监督思想是通过他对公共舆论与行政管理之间的关系所进行的分析而得到阐释的。公共舆论在行政管理中所起的作用倍受威尔逊“推崇”,但他同时也注意到了公共舆论的一些不足之处。从不同视角切入来解读威尔逊行政监督思想的关键词——公共舆论,最后分析和阐述了威氏行政监督思想与现代行政理念的契合点。