Social divides in the age of globalization

Abstract

In recent decades, a new integration-demarcation cleavage has emerged in Europe, pitting political parties in favour of globalisation against those opposing globalisation. Although a lot is known about the socio-structural basis and the political organisation of this cleavage, we do not know the extent to which these political divides have led to social divides. Therefore, this article investigates how losers and winners of globalisation oppose each other. On the basis of representative online experiments in Germany and Austria, this article studies attitudes and behaviour towards people with different nationalities, education, and party preferences, which correspond to the cultural, socio-structural, and organisational elements of the new cleavage. More particularly, the extent to which people are willing to interact with each other in daily life and how much they trust each other is investigated. The main results show that people who identify with different parties (especially if they belong to the other side of the cleavage) oppose each other much more strongly than people with different nationalities. There is no divide, however, between the low-skilled and high-skilled. Finally, it appears that the social divides are asymmetrical: the winners of globalisation resent the losers more than the other way round.     

Pragmatic internationalism: public opinion on South Africa's role in the world

This report of a public opinion survey on South Africa’s foreign policy did not attempt to gauge South Africans’ knowledge about specific issues in international politics, but rather their underlying attitudes, specifically their foreign policy postures. After providing a brief overview of the scholarly debates about the role of public opinion in foreign policy analysis, we contextualise the nature and methodological approach of the survey. Thereafter we organise the article according to three key themes that illuminate ‘ordinary’ South Africans’ foreign policy postures and how South Africans view their country’s international identity. These themes include, first, debates about what the purpose of our foreign policy should be; second, the country’s international role; and third, who South Africans consider to be our allies and role models. Finally, we distil possible patterns emerging from the survey into a posture that we relate to two concepts: ‘pragmatic internationalism’, and a ‘middle power role’.     

俄罗斯死刑状况论析

反对"国家杀人"的废止死刑运动已成为国际趋势。历史上,俄罗斯死刑经历了从私刑向国家刑罚转化之后,死刑强弱同封建政治统治变化之间密切关联,其间不乏废止死刑的努力。苏联虽大力推动死刑废止,反而出现了特定时期的死刑滥用,死刑长期处于"明废而实有"的状态。加快国际化进程,尤其是加入欧盟的努力,为俄罗斯死刑废止注入了强大的推动力。但与此同时,国内社会矛盾多发,有组织犯罪严重,特别是面对极端纳粹组织———光头党的血腥行为,俄罗斯完全实现死刑废止,面临着国内民意以及各种政治势力间的极大挑战。     

构建鉴定意见的证据能力规则体系

依据价值取向的不同,鉴定意见的证据能力规则可以分为实体真实型和程序正当型两类。以此为理论框架分析现有的相关证据规则,我们发现存在一些缺陷。基于此,本文提出建立我国鉴定意见的证据能力规则体系的构想。     

Contemporary Regional Differences in Support by Whites for the Death Penalty: A Research Note

Despite good theoretical reasons to expect strong differences between Southern whites and non‐Southern whites in death penalty support, prior research with 1990 General Social Survey (GSS) data found only a small difference that lacked statistical significance. This paper investigates the possibilities that this null result was a statistical anomaly due to sampling vagaries or that a regional difference has emerged since 1990. Examining GSS data from 1974 through 2006, we initially found that a South/non‐South regional difference among whites did not exist before 1993 but has existed since then. However, further analysis revealed that a Northeast/non‐Northeast difference among whites has also existed during this same period. These findings suggest that future research on death penalty opinion should use both such differences as regional controls rather than just the customary South/non‐South division.     

网络公共事件舆论引导问题研究

近年来,网络公共事件连年攀升,"双刃剑"效应愈发突出。一些地方政府和部门在网络公共事件舆论引导工作中存在许多不到位、不适应的问题,必须继续强调和落实政务公开,完善相关机制,加强行业自律,并探索建立网络发言人制度,以进一步提高网络公共事件舆论引导能力。     

论民事司法鉴定制度的修改与完善——以新《民事诉讼法》为视角

新的《民事诉讼法》对鉴定制度做出了重大的调整与修改,这对于提高司法鉴定的质量、保障当事人的诉讼权利、提高法官证据采信能力、促进司法公正的实现均具有重要的价值.但仍然存在一些问题和不足,应当通过限制法院依职权直接选任鉴定人、明确鉴定人出庭质证和对异地鉴定人出庭质证等措施加以完善.     

鼓声与民意——以登闻鼓制度为例的解读

登闻鼓是传统法直讼制度重要的部分,其历史悠久,反映着中华法系的特征,也是中华法系性格的外显。作为一种特殊的直诉制度,登闻鼓制度反映着民间意愿,是民间伸冤的通道。登闻鼓制度为传统司法提供了补救的机制,也是司法救济的重要途径。登闻鼓制度反映出的中国法律文化价值和理念,对于中国特色社会主义法律体系具有积极意义。     

报刊舆论与乙未反割台斗争研究——以《申报》为中心

《申报》站在台民和中华民族立场上,同情支持台民抗战,其言论着意于倡扬台民的“忠君保台”精神,为台民的自立及成立民主国辩护,声援台民的抗日保台斗争,并塑造、赞扬了刘永福保台护民的英雄形象,提出一些颇有见地的战略战术建议,有力地反驳了《万国公报》等外报对台民抗战的污蔑和指责。特别是《申报》从台民英勇顽强的斗争中,看到了蕴藏在民众中的巨大潜力,预见此乃民族的希望。换约接受后,清廷上层对台湾问题集体失声,《申报》则成为大陆支持台湾抗日的舆论中坚。     

危险驾驶罪的理论错位与现实危险

刑法中没有必要规定危险驾驶罪。当代中国的社会矛盾是后现代的背景,前现代的问题,西方学者提出在后现代背景下为反思现代性而提出的风险社会的概念不适用于中国,不能以风险社会作为论证危险驾驶罪合理性的根据。并非以科学的方法获得的民意不能成为危险驾驶行为入罪的民意基础。行政权重效率,司法权重公正,以刑罚方式惩治多发但危害不大的危险驾驶行为反而不利于遏制该种行为。危险驾驶行为入罪后存在着很多难题并会带来很多弊端,无法产生期望中的社会效果。