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621.
Prominent perspectives in the study of conflict point to two factors that exert substantial influence on public opinion about foreign intervention: (1) news about casualties and (2) signals from partisan elites. Past work is limited, however, in what it can say about how these two factors interact. We present an experiment designed to understand the surprisingly common scenario where elites send competing messages about whether the public should support war or oppose it—and these messages do not coincide with party divisions. We find that partisans are generally insensitive to news about casualties, but they become noticeably more sensitive when they perceive within-party disputes over support for the war. Independents, however, respond to news of casualties irrespective of what messages elites send. These findings shed light on when and how the public responds to competing and unclear cues and speak to the role of public opinion in determining conflict outcomes and democratic foreign policy-making more broadly. 相似文献
622.
Jennifer Jerit 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):1-24
Conventional wisdom and scholarly research indicate that to win a policy debate political actors should frame the issue strategically—that
is, selectively highlight considerations that mobilize public opinion behind their policy position. Engaging the opponent
in a dialogue (i.e., focusing on the same considerations) is portrayed as a suboptimal strategy because political actors forfeit the ability to structure the debate.
Using over 40 public opinion polls and a detailed content analysis of news stories, I examine the use of framing and engagement
strategies during the 1993–94 debate over health care reform. The analysis shows that engagement was more effective at increasing
support for reform than framing. This study is the first to document the role of engagement in a policy debate, and it extends
work showing that this strategy is more common in election campaigns than scholars once suspected.
相似文献
Jennifer JeritEmail: |
623.
曹礼海 《湖北警官学院学报》2007,20(6):23-28
警察临战公共关系一个重要的目的就是为警察临战案(事)件的处王营造良好的社会关系环境,在警察组织内外形成有利于组织的公众舆论氛围。这就要求警察临战公关人员充分了解临战舆论的形成过程,加强临战舆论意识的培养,根据临战环境的需要,有针对性地开展公关活动,始终把握临战舆论控制的主动权。 相似文献
624.
Eugene Lee M.D. Richard Rosner M.D. Ronnie Harmon Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(4):1008-1015
Fitness to Stand Trial is a critical concept in the adjudication of justice‐involved persons. A retrospective study was conducted to examine criminal defendants' specific psychiatric symptoms and those symptoms' associations with expert opinions on Competence to Stand Trial. One hundred charts were reviewed: 50 Cases (opined as Not Fit) were compared against 50 Controls (opined as Fit) with respect to ratings on the Brief Psychiatric Rating Scale (BPRS). A significance level of 0.001 was selected a priori. Statistically significant differences were found in seven of the eighteen BPRS symptom constructs (with the highest differences in Conceptual Disorganization and Unusual Thought Content) and two of the four BPRS higher‐order syndrome factors (Thinking Disorder and Hostile‐Suspiciousness). Consistent with previous reports, psychotic symptoms are found in this study to be inversely associated with Fitness. Validity, reliability, and limitations of this study, as well as directions for future research, are discussed herein. 相似文献
625.
本研究评估了中国公民对警察的信任程度,并探讨了影响公众对警察信任程度的因素。就目前来看,针对中国公民对待警察的态度进行的实证研究寥寥无几。本研究以冲突理论为理论框架,通过收集中国8个城市的访谈数据,检验了性别、年龄、教育程度、收入、就业、感知政治影响力等冲突变量以及相关控制变量对中国警察公信力的影响。结果表明,这些变量对于中国公民对待警察的态度的解释力有限。青年以及政治权力较低的中国公民往往对警察的信任度较低。此外,中国公民对警察的态度还受到公共安全满意度、政府处理犯罪的能力、生活质量和政府官员腐败度的影响。同时本文也对未来研究的意义进行了讨论。 相似文献
626.
Frederick W. Turner II 《Police Practice and Research》2019,20(2):122-138
Despite the dramatic rise in use of militarized weapons, equipment, and tactics by police departments across the nation, no study has examined the opinions of those responsible for designing, funding, and implementing police militarization in the United States. Therefore this study collected and analyzed opinion data from 465 key stakeholders from the 114th Congress U.S. House of Representatives, law enforcement executives, and local police officers regarding police militarization. Results suggest that while most practitioners and policymakers favor police militarization, Congress and law enforcement differ in support of critical issues such as oversight of military procurement programs, use of surplus military weapons and vehicles, and overall support for the militarization of policing in the United States. 相似文献
627.
DAMIEN BOL MARCO GIANI ANDRÉ BLAIS PETER JOHN LOEWEN 《European Journal of Political Research》2021,60(2):497-505
Major crises can act as critical junctures or reinforce the political status quo, depending on how citizens view the performance of central institutions. We use an interrupted time series to study the political effect of the enforcement of a strict confinement policy in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, we take advantage of a unique representative web-based survey that was fielded in March and April 2020 in Western Europe to compare the political support of those who took the survey right before and right after the start of the lockdown in their country. We find that lockdowns have increased vote intentions for the party of the Prime Minister/President, trust in government and satisfaction with democracy. Furthermore, we find that, while rallying individuals around current leaders and institutions, they have had no effect on traditional left–right attitudes. 相似文献
628.
Municipalities often use public funds to support private projects in pursuit of economic growth or improved quality of life. How does the framing of municipal subsidies impact public support for such funding? We examine the case of government-funded minor league baseball stadiums to address this question. Using nationally representative survey data, we find respondents are much more likely to support funding for stadiums when told that baseball will bring jobs and improve the local economy, compared to other frames. Local governments may therefore rely on positive, economic frames to gain public support, despite a lack of evidence that sports stadiums deliver net economic benefits. 相似文献
629.
Dominique Monjardet 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2000,8(3):353-378
In this article two features of the theme police and the public are discussed. The first part deals with the public opinion of the police and how the police deal with the public. This is a well-documented issue, but only very generally related to 'policing'. The problem of dealing with the public arises in very similar terms in all administrations, public services and community services. The qualities expected of a 'front office' (speed, competence, confidentiality, etc.) are not peculiar to the police. On the other hand, the situation of a public policing service as an urban police force is currently very specific, has an unusual, virtually undocumented historical background and is therefore worth dealing with in much greater detail. This is done in the second part of the article. To grasp this role, one needs to consider the way in which the public police service has evolved in the last half-century. Admittedly, the situation in France has certain special features, but these are simply magnified versions of things which exist elsewhere. It may be true that the institutional background has precipitated developments in France, but that same background is present in all comparable countries. 相似文献
630.
Do parties respond to voters’ preferences on European integration in elections to the European Parliament (EP)? Following recent research that shows political party responsiveness to Eurosceptic attitudes during EP elections is conditioned by party characteristics, this article seeks to understand how party unity on European integration affects party responsiveness to Euroscepticism. It argues that when Eurosceptic attitudes among voters are high and the parties are divided in their position on European integration, parties will be more responsive to voters and take a more Eurosceptic position. To test the theoretical expectations, the study uses data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, the Euromanifestos Project, and European Election Study for 1989–2009 for over 120 parties across 20 European Union member states. The findings have important implications for understanding the nature of democratic representation in the European Union. 相似文献