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651.
唐斯佳 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2005,5(3):51-56
舆论监督难的根本原因在于地方主义的阻挠、权力干预以及新闻体制存在缺陷.因此,新闻监督需要立法,以给舆论监督提供切实的保障. 相似文献
652.
Nicholas Bala 《Family Court Review》2005,43(4):554-562
Tippins and Wittmann (2005) provide an important analysis of the limitations of child custody evaluations, but they are wrong to propose that court-appointed evaluators should be precluded from making recommendations about best interests decisions. While some of the evidence of evaluators may fail to meet the high standard of reliability expected for "expert evidence," the role of court-appointed evaluators in child-related cases is not the same as the role of party-retained experts in other types of litigation, and the legal basis for their involvement in the family law dispute resolution process is very different. The family courts should not apply the "expert evidence" standard when deciding how to use the evidence of a court-appointed evaluator, but rather should use a more flexible standard that takes account of the family law context. If the Tippins and Wittmann proposal is adopted, it will have negative implications for the resolution of family law cases, including making settlements less common, thereby deleteriously affecting children. 相似文献
653.
胡旗保 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2007,22(6):100-103
2004年的宪法修正案将"国家尊重和保障人权"写入宪法,意义重大.但"黑砖窑"事件启示我们,"人权"仅仅写入宪法不是宪法修正的目的,其目的应该是保证该条款的在现实生活中得以实现.文章认为,宪法基本人权保障机制最关键的是三个环节:立法保障是事先保障、实体保障;违宪审查是事后保障、程序保障;社会舆论监督是体制外保障、是整个机制的基础. 相似文献
654.
专家法律意见与司法公正 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
梁迎修 《国家检察官学院学报》2004,12(1):122-125
司法实践中,法学专家接受司法机关的邀请参与案件论证并出具专家意见,有利于案件的公正审理;但如果接受一方当事人邀请参与论证案件,由于存在利害关系并缺乏程序保障,很难保证专家意见的客观性和中立性。当事人可以将专家意见纳入代理意见或辩护意见,但不应将专家意见出具给法官,以免影响法官的独立判断。 相似文献
655.
This article contributes to the literature on representation by examining how the ideological polarisation of the electorate affects parties’ programmatic positions in multiparty systems. The main argument is that parties face incentives to adopt more extreme positions when the electorate becomes more ideologically polarised and the share of non-moderate voters is higher. The reason is that by adopting moderate positions parties will prompt their non-moderate core constituents to sit out the election. This risk is conditioned by voters’ propensity to abstain. A higher (lower) propensity to abstain means that parties alienate a larger (smaller) share of their core constituents when adopting a moderate position. Parties therefore respond to greater voter polarisation by adopting more extreme positions, but the effect declines as voters’ propensity to abstain decreases. An empirical analysis of parties’ programmatic positions in 11 Western European countries between 1977 and 2016 strongly supports this expectation. 相似文献
656.
Rune Slothuus 《政治交往》2016,33(2):302-327
Despite generations of research, political scientists have trouble pinpointing the influence of political parties on public opinion. Recently, scholars have made headway in exploring whether parties in fact shape policy preferences by relying on experimental designs. Yet, the evidence from this work is mixed. I argue that the typical experiment faces a design problem that likely minimizes the extent to which parties apparently matter. Because parties have policy reputations, experimental participants may already know from real-world exposure to political debate where the parties stand before they are told in the experiment—they are “pretreated.” This study investigates how real-world political context interferes with party cue stimulus in experiments. In two experiments I show that two types of “pretreatment” from outside the experiment—exposure-based and reputation-based—dramatically moderate the effects of party cues in experiments. Moreover, the politically aware participants—who are most likely to have been pretreated before entering the experiment—are the most sensitive to this interference from real-world context. Paradoxically, experimenters are most likely to find no effect of parties at the very time that their influence is strongest outside the experiment. These findings emphasize the importance of keeping real-world context in mind when designing and analyzing experiments on political communication effects and might help reconcile disparate results of previous party cue experiments. 相似文献
657.
胡铭 《江苏行政学院学报》2012,(4):124-129
从近年来发生的若干具有重大社会影响的公案中,可以透视出我国鉴定制度存在的问题。鉴定意见的公信力不足,当事人在鉴定中缺乏知情权和启动权,公安司法机关不愿意鉴定人出庭等问题困扰着我国鉴定制度的完善。应以正当法律原则为指导,完善作为科学证据的鉴定意见的相关制度。 相似文献
658.
崔立美 《河南公安高等专科学校学报》2011,(6):89-92
在我国,人民检察院依法独立行使检察权,实施法律监督。一个行使法律赋予的国家职能的国家机关,其自身又很可能是这一职能的调整对象。我国检察权外部监督制约机制还存在一定的弊端,应通过相应的措施进行完善。 相似文献
659.
张立刚 《新疆警官高等专科学校学报》2011,31(2):7-11
在新兴媒体环境下,公正廉洁执法面临新的舆论挑战。对此,应当在遵循公开真实原则、时效原则和疏导原则的基础上,构建公正廉洁执法的舆论引导机制,其基本内容包括健全舆情监测和预警机制、健全舆论引导应急处置机制和舆论引导的监督机制。 相似文献
660.
众所周知,邹韬奋是我国卓越的新闻记者、出版家,更是一名进步爱国的政论家。他主编的《生活》周刊、《大众生活》和《全民抗战》刊物,由于其客观的立场、报刊的公共性和其注重与读者平等的讨论,构成了报刊公共领域。作为这一公共领域中的发言人角色,邹韬奋积极发表新闻评论,设立读者信箱和小言论等精品栏目,与读者和同仁进行交流。这些编辑出版活动充分展现了邹韬奋在报刊公共空间中的舆论引导作用。 相似文献