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61.
中关村知识产权战略研究院 《中国发展》2012,12(6):60-64
海外侨胞是提升中国自主创新能力的重要力量,该文从保护海外侨胞权益、完善相关法律体系、完善创业环境、加强知识产权保护等多个方面,为提升国家自主创新能力提出相关政策与法律建议。 相似文献
62.
Between 1996 and 2008 Italy has experienced four government alternations in as many consecutive elections. It could be argued that after the dramatic party change that occurred in the early 90s the Italian system is in a state of constant flux and voters appear rather bewildered. This paper presents an opposite argument, showing that voters' choice reflects the greater importance of valence politics – performance, the economy – acting as a cue to voting behaviour, interacting with a long-term political predisposition. In turn, this promotes parties' responsiveness and accountability since the overall performance of a government – even of a coalition government – appears as a goal to be shared by all partners, under the threat of defeat for all. The analysis is carried out employing the Italian National Elections Studies series. 相似文献
63.
The extent of strategic voting in the Spanish general elections of 2000, 2004 and 2008 is estimated using a new measure of strategic incentives suitable for proportional representation systems that avoids some of the problems associated with lagged variables. Strategic behaviour increased from 12 to 33 per cent of the electoral base of the United Left Party, the major victim of strategic defection. This estimate is a conservative one as elite mobilisation is controlled for in the constituencies, which is unusual in the literature on strategic voting that uses regression‐based methods. 相似文献
64.
PETER SELB 《European Journal of Political Research》2012,51(5):583-606
How quickly, to what extent and under what conditions do voters and elites adapt to new electoral institutions in order to not waste their votes and effort on hopeless competitors? A latent‐curve model of strategic adaptation is developed and fitted to district‐level election data from Spain. The extent of strategic adaptation is generally found to vary with the strength of the electoral system. However, grave ethnic tensions are demonstrated to seriously retard adaptation even under favourable institutional conditions. 相似文献
65.
This article explores the relationship between vote sincerity and the time at which vote decisions are finalized. It posits that a specific set of competitive circumstances are necessary for insincere voting to occur, and that voters' understanding of these circumstances can be influenced by exposure to information during a campaign. The article introduces a new method of operationalizing a commonly overlooked type of insincere voting: the protest voter. As defined here, protest voters express their political dissatisfaction by supporting an uncompetitive non-traditional party that is not their first preference. Canadian Election Study data reveal that protest voters make up a small, but noteworthy segment of the electorate and that insincere voters tend to make their vote decisions relatively late. 相似文献
66.
The economy was a major issue in Germany’s 2009 election. The global economic crisis did not spare Germany, whose economy is tightly integrated into the global economy. So when the German economy experienced a historical shock, did voters connect their views of the economy with their vote choice? Or did they, as some research has suggested, recognize Germany’s dependence on global markets and cut the government slack, especially when the government consists of the country’s two major parties? Using pre- and post-election panel surveys from the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), we investigate the weight that voters gave to the economy, relative to other considerations, when casting their ballot and whether governing parties were disproportionately judged based on the state of the economy. 相似文献
67.
The paper explores a question raised by the 2011 Irish election, which saw an almost unprecedented decline in support for a major governing party after an economic collapse that necessitated an ECB/IMF ‘bailout’. This seems a classic case of ‘economic voting’ in which a government is punished for incompetent performance. How did the government lose this support: gradually, as successive economic indicators appeared negative, or dramatically, following major shocks? The evidence points to losses at two critical junctures. This is consistent with an interpretation of the link between economics and politics that allows for qualitative judgements by voters in assigning credit and blame for economic performance. 相似文献
68.
刘翼 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2006,5(5):45-46
定牌加工在我国的加工贸易中一直占据着相当比重。但由于定牌加工存在商标侵权的诸多风险,为进一步规范定牌加工行为,保障国内定牌加工的稳步发展,国家应对定牌加工制定相关法律规定,尤其是需要对定牌加工侵权情形及相应处理予以明确。 相似文献
69.
李旻泰 《北京行政学院学报》2006,(1):87-91
韩国学者对毛泽东思想的研究,很大程度上受制于韩国学者的毛泽东思想研究的历史条件。受冷战、朝鲜战争及韩国国内政治等因素的影响,在相当长的时期内,韩国对中国的敌意达到了极点,所以相当多的韩国学者对毛泽东、毛泽东思想及中国现代的革命史的研究几乎是“绝对进不了的历史领域,”韩国学者的毛泽东思想研究受到了很大的制约。但是,毛泽东思想对现代中国所产生的巨大影响却吸引着韩国学者对这一领域进行不断的探索。韩国学者研究毛泽东思想的深度和广度可以在两个方面去考察:一是他们在介绍外国学者毛泽东思想研究成果基础上做出的评析,二是他们直接研究毛泽东思想而取得的成果。 相似文献
70.
K. Amber Curtis 《国际相互影响》2014,40(3):402-430
When and how will personal financial (aka “pocketbook”) concerns drive citizens’ political decisions? Scholars remain puzzled by the mismatch between the expectation that pocketbook voting should occur and the reality that, according to most findings, it usually does not. Using original survey data collected immediately after Iceland’s second “Icesave” referendum (2011), I first report the results of an embedded experiment that successfully evokes greater pocketbook concern. Next, I analyze the determinants of retrospective pocketbook evaluations, showing that priming effects are conditioned by political sophistication such that high sophisticates are among the most likely to report negative economic assessments. I then turn to the consequences of these egocentric views for government approval. Mediation analysis confirms a significant indirect effect, suggesting that subjective pocketbook evaluations exert a strong influence on political attitudes that has been hidden in prior work. Results illuminate the contextual, cognitive, and causal circumstances under which pocketbook effects transpire and suggest new ways in which self-interest might matter for attitudes toward international political economy issues. 相似文献