What's an Elite to Do? The Threat of Populism from Left,Right and Centre

Anthony Painter's report for Policy Network correctly describes populism as a ‘democratic argument’ which sets up a morally pure ‘people’ against vilified ‘elites’, in binary opposition. This is an argument which is increasingly prominent in political discourse, whether the elites in question are political, financial or technocratic. Painter focuses on the now‐familiar ‘radical right‐wing’ version of populism, as reflected across Europe in the rise of parties such as the UKIP. He omits discussion of other types of populism (of the left and centre), which perhaps represent the future for populist politics.     

石油企业强化政治优势转化效果方法分析——以黄河钻井三公司为例

黄河钻井三公司深入推进党建工作创新发展,积极促进政治资源和政治优势转化,做法为：加强基层党组织建设,把党组织的政治核心作用转化为领导力;加强领导班子建设,把领导干部资源优势转化为创新力;加强人才队伍建设,把人力资源优势转化为竞争力;加强思想文化建设,把党的思想文化优势转化为软实力;加强反腐倡廉建设,把党的作风优势转化为执行力;密切联系群众,把党的群众工作优势转化为创造力。     

中国共产党早期民族工作历程与经验启示

中国共产党的民族工作和民族政策,是建立在其早期民族工作的基础之上的。中国共产党的早期民族工作大致可分为两个阶段,即中国共产党民族工作的理论宣讲时期(1921-1934)和中国共产党民族工作的实践时期(1934-1949)。在这两个时期,中国共产党的民族工作都取得了重大成就,既为新中国民族工作的开展奠定了基础,又为之积累了深刻的启示。     

中国特色政党制度伦理建设初探

加强中国特色政党制度伦理建设,对于提高党建科学化水平,构建社会主义和谐党际关系,推进政治民主化进程具有重要意义。当前,我国政党制度伦理建设存在着制度伦理法制化不强、平等协商理性相对缺乏、参政党职能效果发挥较弱、政党民主监督体系不完善以及制度伦理理论支撑的相对滞后等问题。加强中国特色政党制度伦理建设,必须加快政党制度伦理法制化建设、推进地方政治协商制度化、提高参政党职能地位、健全政党民主监督体系以及完善制度伦理学科建设。     

中国特色反腐倡廉道路面临的机遇挑战及应对

人民群众日益高涨的反腐热情为反腐倡廉建设注入了巨大动力,我国经济的快速增长为反腐倡廉建设提供了物质基础,现代科技的迅速发展为反腐倡廉建设提供了技术支撑,当代文化的发展繁荣为反腐倡廉建设提供了精神滋养。同时,对反腐败斗争的模糊认识,市场经济下权利寻租的易发高发,科技反腐的不成熟、不完善,腐朽落后思想文化的侵蚀等对反腐倡廉建设提出了严峻挑战。抓住机遇,战胜挑战,破解廉政建设这一世界性难题,是时代赋予党和政府的重大命题。     

全面提高党建科学化水平的战略举措

党的十八大在新形势下强调“全面提高党的建设科学化水平”的新理念,这一理念在表述上有传承更有丰富和发展。全面提高党的建设科学化水平,要深刻理解党建科学化的内涵、新形势下强调党建科学化的必要性以及全面提高党建科学化水平的路径措施。     

论出卖人在按揭贷款合同纠纷中的诉讼地位——兼评《商品房买卖合同问题解释》第26条、27条

按揭贷款合同的主要当事人是借款购房的买受人和发放贷款的银行。按揭贷款合同发生纠纷,出卖人是否参加诉讼及其诉讼地位是有争议的问题之一。本文认为,出卖人是按揭贷款合同签订、生效后最早实现其经营利益的受益人。当出卖人没有为贷款归还承担连带责任保证、已经交付商品住房并转移所有权的,银行起诉买受人,出卖人不必参加诉讼;尚未交付的,出卖人应当以无独立请求权的第三人参加诉讼。当出卖人为贷款归还承担连带责任保证,不管是否交付商品住房,银行同时起诉买受人和出卖人的,将二者列为共同被告;银行只起诉买受人的,应当追加出卖人列为共同被告;银行只起诉出卖人的,亦须追加买受人列为共同被告。     

Mind the gap: How party–voter incongruence fuels the entry and support of new parties

This article examines to what extent ideological incongruence (i.e., mismatch between policy positions of voters and parties) increases the entry of new parties in national parliamentary elections and their individual-level electoral support. Current empirical research on party entry and new party support either neglects the role of party–voter incongruence, or it only examines its effect on the entry and support of specific new parties or party families. This article fills this lacuna. Based on spatial theory, we hypothesise that parties are more likely to enter when ideological incongruence between voters and parties is higher (Study 1) and that voters are more likely to vote for new parties if these stand closer to them than established parties (Study 2). Together our two studies span 17 countries between 1996 and 2016. Time-series analyses support both hypotheses. This has important implications for spatial models of elections and empirical research on party entry and new party support.     

The family policy positions of conservative parties: A farewell to the male-breadwinner family model?

Since the Golden Age of the Welfare State ended, the male-breadwinner family model traditionally supported by conservative parties has been put under pressure. Familialism appears to be no longer attractive to a changing, more volatile constituency. By comparing four different European countries – namely, Denmark, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom – this work investigates the evolution of the conservative parties’ family policy positions in the post-Fordist era (1990s–2010s). The article has two goals. First, relying on a multidimensional theoretical framework where both social consumption and social investment policy instruments are at stake, it probes whether conservatives have switched their positions by backing de-familialism and thus the dual-earner family model. Second, it explains policy position change or stability over time and cross-country differences through a multicausal analytical framework. The content analysis of party manifestos shows that, in the post-Fordist era, the conservative parties have supported ‘optional familialism’, thus upholding both familiarizing and de-familiarizing measures. However, such positions are not static. In the 1990s, support for familialism was higher while, since the 2000s, there has been a constant, increasing backing of de-familialism. While the shift is evident for all the parties, cross-country differences remain. The comparative historical analysis has pointed out that the specific ‘optional familialism’ positions taken by the conservative parties over time result from the interaction of constituency-oriented, institutional, contextual and political factors.     

建设服务型执政党——中国共产党巩固执政基础的必由之路

共产党"执政为民"从根本上讲就是利用其所掌握的各种资源"服务于民"。为民服务,是政党生存的基础,是政党政治和社会功能实现的基本途径,是世界政党政治发展的大趋势。建设服务型执政党,是落实执政为民的根本保证。为此,需要转变观念,创新机制,促进党内外民主的互动;需要纯洁党的队伍,增强党的领导干部的责任意识,提高服务能力和执政能力;需要党内生活制度化,党际关系法治化。民主、法治、服务,将是共产党最大的合法性源泉。