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11.
本文简述了近年来出现的我国第二次党政干部辞职经商办企业的类型、特点及对廉政建设的冲击,阐述了在职党政干部不得经商办企业的廉政义务,论证了离职党政干部在离职后的一定期限内仍然负有这一义务,分析了这一义务的例外情形,主张对离职党政干部到企业任职作更完善的制度建设和更有效的监控. 相似文献
12.
裴普 《西南政法大学学报》2004,6(3):57-61
肇始于16世纪的"意思自治"理论,标志着合同准据法理论发展的里程碑,即客观论向主观论的发展,特别是以意思自治为主、辅之以最密切联系原则的合同自体法理论的提出,更是将合同准据法理论推向一个前所未有的高度,它一改过去合同法律适用的机械性做法,强调尊重当事人自主意识,并将契约当做一个整体来看待,体现了国际私法合同法律适用的潮流和趋势。 相似文献
13.
思维方式的解放较之观念的解放是更为根本的思想解放.要使主体能够内化"三个代表"重要思想,必须具备与这一思想相通的思维方式.这就需要积极推进由传统的"革命党思维"向"执政党思维"转换,这是当前保持与时俱进精神状态、深入理解"三个代表"重要思想的关键. 相似文献
14.
We employ a rational choice framework to understand the conditions under which sex traffickers allow their victims access to telecommunications devices while under their control. We posit that sex traffickers are rational actors who make calculated decisions regarding whether to allow their victims access to the Internet and cell phones. We hypothesize that sex traffickers allow younger victims and those they did not defraud in the recruitment process greater access to telecommunications devices because these decisions maximize their payoffs with minimal risk. However, we hypothesize that younger victims’ access to telecommunications devices is conditional on whether they have been defrauded in recruitment. In order to test these hypotheses, we deployed a survey to 115 victims of sex trafficking in the United States to learn about how they were recruited by their sex trafficker and the level of access they had to technology while under their sex trafficker's control. We find support for all of our hypotheses. The results have serious implications for criminal justice policy and practice. 相似文献
15.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(1):87-109
This paper offers a comparative analysis of factions in Japan’s long-time governing party, the LDP, and the country’s biggest opposition party, the DPJ, by probing into their respective causes, functions and consequences. Factionalism in the LDP and the DPJ can be traced back to the fact that both parties came into existence as the result of a merger of formerly independent parties. In the case of the DPJ, groups based on former party affiliations still play an important role in the ‘factional landscape’ of the party. While the desire to remain in power has acted in the case of the LDP as an important centripetal force countervailing the immanent centrifugal forces of factionalism, it is suggested that in the case of the DPJ the current electoral system for the Lower House has so far helped to contain such centrifugal tendencies. A central consequence of inter-factional conflicts in the DPJ, however, is the visible lack of a clear profile of the party. 相似文献
16.
《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2012,34(4):309-321
This article compares the ways in which the idea of proportionate dispute resolution has been dealt with in three recent reports: Lord Woolf's Reviews of the Civil Justice System (1995 and 1996), the Department of Constitutional Affairs' White Paper on ‘Complaints, Redress and Tribunals’ (2004) and the Law Commission's Issues Paper on ‘Proportionate Dispute Resolution in Housing’ (2006). The first of these reports adopts a ‘top‐down’ approach in which procedural judges allocate cases to one of the three streams in terms of the size of the claim, its complexity and its importance while the second report takes a ‘bottom‐up’ approach in which complainants decide what sort of remedy they want and, thus, what set of procedures they should use. The third report suggests that there is a ‘third way’ and the article examines the principle of ‘triage plus’ and the ways in which this principle could promote informed choice. It analyses the Law Commission's proposals for implementing ‘triage plus’ and concludes by questioning whether policy makers are ready to make a reality out of their enthusiastic embrace of the principle. 相似文献
17.
As an alternative to sprawling development, smart growth combines proximity to work, proximity to shopping and other destinations, neighborhood housing mix, shared and paid parking, complete street designs, and proximity to public transit. This article uses a stated-choice experiment to determine residents' attitudes toward these various aspects of smart growth in the Salt Lake region of Utah. Utah is a conservative state, where attitudes toward auto-oriented suburbia may be more positive than in other parts of the United States. So, one might wonder whether changing national attitudes toward smart growth, documented in several surveys, apply to residents of the Salt Lake region. In this stated-choice experiment, respondents were asked to choose between pairs of housing scenarios with different attributes and different prices. Mixed logit (random parameters logit) was used to relate individuals' choices to attributes, prices, and sociodemographic characteristics of respondents. The results show that, generally, respondents have positive attitudes toward most aspects of smart growth but still express preferences for single-family neighborhoods with free parking in their own driveways or garages. Different life cycle cohorts have different preferences. Proximity to work is more important for childless young adults. Young families with children place higher value on living in a neighborhood with only single-family homes and transit access. Retired empty nesters favor a mix of housing types over single-family housing on one-acre-plus lots. The results suggest that while residents of the Salt Lake region like suburban neighborhoods with primarily single-family houses, they would also like to have improved accessibility to amenities in the suburbs. 相似文献
18.
David Arter 《West European politics》2013,36(1):260-273
AbstractThe governing Centre and Conservative parties played the ‘economy’ card – we’ve got Finland ‘back into shape’; the green parties, the Greens and Left Alliance, played the ‘climate change’ card, demanding action to go with the talk; the Social Democrats played the ‘caring’ card and the need for a Finland that cares for the elderly, the low-paid and young persons; the Finns Party in contrast played the ‘no one likes us, we don’t care’ card, seeking to exploit its pariah status for electoral gain. The adoption of a siege mentality strategy, designed to capitalise on its ostracised position, served to mobilise protest support and the Finns Party came within a whisker of beating the Social Democrats into second place. The Social Democrats then turned the clock back and put together the type of left?centre (‘red mud’) coalition that had characterised Finnish governments for half a century from the mid-1930s onwards. 相似文献
19.
服务型政府的建设是深化行政管理体制改革的重中之重。\"以人为本\"是服务型政府的价值追求,\"以人为本\"、以公民权利为本位以及公众利益最大化是服务型政府的首要目标。如何才能建设好服务型政府是摆在我国行政体制改革面前的重大课题和任务。在对服务型政府科学内涵分析的基础上,探讨了服务型政府价值取向及路径选择问题,以期在理论和实践中为新疆更好地推动服务型政府的建设提供政策建议。 相似文献
20.
Martha Joynt Kumar 《政治交往》2013,30(1):99-103
Relying on experimental methodology, we find that positive and negative reports of specific aspects of the economy influence the audience's assessments of political responsibility for the state of the economy. In addition, whether the president actively attempts to take credit (in the case of positive economic news) or attempts to avoid blame (in the case of negative economic news) also influences assessments. Finally, we find that effects are largely dependent on individual levels of partisanship. 相似文献