"三个代表"的重要思想与高校学生党建工作

"三个代表"的重要思想,是新时期党的建设的纲领,它提升了高等院校学生党建工作的战略地位,对高等院校的学生党建工作具有前瞻性和全局性的指导意义,今后高校学生党建工作应以"三个代表"的重要思想为指导,为党培养高素质的后备人才,推进社会主义现代化建设.     

科教兴国是中国共产党实践"三个代表"要求的必然选择

科教兴国是中国共产党为实现中华民族的伟大复兴而提出的战略决策,是中国共产党实践"三个代表"要求,在社会主义现代化建设新时期发展战略的必然选择.     

论参政党的政党意识

参政党要按照江泽民同志提出的进一步坚持好、完善好、落实好中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度的任务及要求,增强政党意识,要讲政治,要增强体现本党派的"特色意识",增强监督意识,发挥党派组织整体的作用,要善于学习,勇于实践,不断加强制度建设.     

论党风建设方略的历史演进

党风建设方略,就是根据形势发展需要而对党的作风建设制定的计划周密的方式方法和行动方针。党的第一代领导集体创建了着重从思想上政治上建设的党风建设方略,同时也注意按照民主集中制原则建立健全党内法规制度;第二代领导集体创建了依靠制度改革和建设的党风建设方略,同时又注重党的思想政治建设;第三代领导集体创建了思想政治建设与制度建设相结合的党风建设方略;以胡锦涛为总书记的党中央提出了“建立健全与社会主义市场经济体制相适应的教育、制度、监督并重的惩治和预防腐败体系”的党风廉政建设方略。党风建设方略必须与时俱进,才能使党永远立于不败之地。     

Competition and interaction: Party ties to interest groups in a multidimensional policy space

Political parties and interest groups play a vital role in incorporating societal interests into democratic decision-making. Therefore, explaining the nature and variation in the relationship between them will advance our understanding of democratic governance. Existing research has primarily drawn attention to how exchange of resources shapes these relationships largely neglecting the role of contextual conditions. Our contribution is to examine whether parties’ structured interactions with different categories of interest groups vary systematically with the pattern of party competition at the level of policy dimensions. First, we argue that higher party fragmentation in a policy space makes organisational ties to interest groups more likely, due to fears of voter loss and splinter groups. Second, we expect higher polarisation between parties on a policy dimension to make ties to relevant groups less likely due to increased electoral costs. We find support for both expectations when analysing new data on 116 party units in 13 mature democracies along nine different policy dimensions. Our findings underline the value of considering the strategic context in which parties and interest groups interact to understand their relationship. The study sheds new light on parties and interest groups as intermediaries in democracy and contributes to a new research agenda connecting interest group research with studies of parties’ policy positions and responsiveness.     

Welfare state reforms and mass media attention: Evidence from three European democracies

The mass media is conventionally assumed to play an important role in welfare state politics. So far, however, we have very little systematic theorizing or empirical evidence of when and how the mass media reports on welfare state reforms. Building on news value theory and the welfare state reform literature, we develop a set of hypotheses about mass media reporting on welfare state reforms. We argue that mass media attention is conditioned not only by the direction of reforms, with cuts getting more attention than expansions, but also by the election platform that the incumbent party ran on in the last election as well as by the policy reputation of the government. Drawing on a new dataset including about 4,800 news articles in British, Danish and German quality newspapers from 1995 to 2014, we find supporting empirical evidence of our expectations.     

私营企业党建工作内化分析

私营企业产权归个人所有,多数私营企业实行企业主治理模式。私营企业的产权结构和治理模式要求转变党的建设的工作方式,把引导私营经济健康发展的目标融于灵活、务实、有效的党建工作中,增强私营企业党建工作的穿透力。     

《医疗事故处理条例》及其他相关规定对受害方的法律保护

在《医疗事故处理条例》及其他相关规定中,拓宽了对医疗事故的界定、扩大了受害方的索赔权利、改变了医疗事故处理的方式、实行了新的证据制度,这都体现了对受害方的保护。     

公司治理模式演化争论的法律思维根源

对全球公司制度的演化趋势,统一论与分化论的两种观点针锋相对。争论的根源在于论者法律思维的差异,并突出表现在现象与标准、法律与事实、宏观与微观、技术与社会等几对范畴上。立足于法律的本质并关注公司制度的选择问题,分化论有说服力;而统一论则因把法律问题简单技术化、混淆事实与规范选择的差异而有明显局限。因此,应当坚持理性的法律思维,坚持公司制度国际演化的"功能统一、形式分化"二元观。     

How (Not) to Form a Progressive Alliance: Lessons from the History of Left Cooperation

Britain’s political parties can be divided into two blocs: a ‘progressive bloc’ of parties on the left/centre‐left, and a ‘reactionary bloc’ of those on the right/centre‐right. In three of the last four general elections, the progressive bloc won an appreciably larger share of the popular vote than its reactionary rival. Yet its greater internal fragmentation has been repeatedly punished under first past the post, leading to what is now over a decade of Conservative‐led governments. This has prompted growing pressure to form a ‘progressive alliance’ between Labour, Liberal Democrats, Greens, and their Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish nationalist competitors. This article sheds a historical and international light on these demands, examining the difficulties other similar efforts at progressive cooperation have faced across the world. It considers how progressive alliances have previously sought to overcome geographical, ideological, and social divides between their constituent members, and draws some salutary lessons for British progressives today.