论中国文学接受俄罗斯文学的多元取向

伴随着20世纪历史的变动,中国文学对俄罗斯文学的接受在不同阶段显示出不同的摄取侧重和价值取向,先后经历五四时代对19世纪俄罗斯现实主义文学的吸纳,1930至50年代前期对苏联革命文学、日丹诺夫主义的移植,50年代中期对"解冻"文学的译介及其后对"修正主义文学"的批判,自80年代中期起对"回归文学"的引进,90年代以来对俄罗斯文学的补充接受,以及对苏联解体以来俄罗斯当代文学的接纳.这一漫长的接受史程,既不断刷新着国人心目中俄罗斯文学的原有图像,也折射出接受者民族的历史传统、时代氛围、文化心理和现实需求,还透露出中外文学关系史的某些重要规律.     

Do voters prefer educated candidates? How candidate education influences vote choice in congressional elections

Previous research shows that democracies are more likely to produce educated politicians, but is this because voters prefer educated representatives or because of other features of the democratic process? Education may serve as a signal of candidate quality to voters or it may simply be associated with other factors, such as access to campaign funds, that help candidates win elections. We address this puzzle by analyzing head-to-head matches between candidates in US House elections from 2002 to 2012 along with a conjoint experiment. We find evidence that candidates with higher levels of education win more votes than candidates with lower levels of education, even after we account for standard indicators of candidate quality and campaign spending. This education premium not only garners more votes, but it also translates into higher probabilities of winning. The experimental results and sensitivity analyses show that it is unlikely that these results are explained by a hidden confound. The experiment also illuminates that the education premium flows from perceptions of candidate qualification and ability to pursue respondent interests.     

Vaccine or catalyst? Christian religion and populism in Europe: A rejoinder to Inglehart's “Religion's sudden decline”

The strength and direction of the association between Christian religion and support for radical right-wing parties is strongly debated. On the one hand, there is work that shows that in Western European countries with a strong Christian democratic party, the relationship between church attendance and voting for populist radical right (PRR) parties is negative (Marcinkiewicz and Dassonneville 2022). Such findings contradict with the conclusions reached by Inglehart (2021), who reported that adherence to religious norms correlates positively with support for PRR parties. In this research note we shed light on the reasons for these contrasting conclusions, by systematically assessing the role of empirical choices in terms of the operationalizations of the dependent and the key independent variables, and how heterogeneity is dealt with.     

中国共产党自身建设规律的体系建构与实践创新

中国共产党之所以能够领导广大人民群众创造彪炳史册的千秋伟业,归根结底是因为中国共产党能够主动认识、始终遵循和自觉运用党的自身建设规律来领导革命、建设和改革。中国共产党自身建设规律科学回答了“建设什么样的党、怎样建设党”这个重大课题,是对共产党执政规律、社会主义建设规律、人类社会发展规律的创新发展。从党的建设百年光辉历程探索党的自身建设规律的历史脉络,探讨党的自身建设规律理论体系的建构逻辑,探析党的自身建设规律的实践要求,有利于促进党的自身建设规律理论研究与实践应用的贯通融合,持续提高党的建设质量,坚定不移建设世界上最强大的政党、领导人民实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。     

新发展观的文化阐释

新发展观是人民追求幸福生活的期盼。新发展观作为一种新理念是当代中国的国富论,它为我们解决前进道路上面临的矛盾和问题,为顺利推进全面建设小康社会和整个现代化事业,提供了正确的指导思想和根本方针。新发展观作为一种文化选择,是对发展理论和社会主义建设规律的总结。新发展观作为一种文化自觉,体现了可贵的人本精神、和谐意识、忧患意识、实践品格。     

Essence of Negotiation: Understanding Appeasement and “The Great Munich Stereotype”

The relative merits of rational choice and behavioral approaches to the study of negotiation continue to be hotly debated. This article tests qualitative postdictions (assertions or deductions about something in the past) from these paradigms as well as the alternative approach of new institutional theory against the extensive record of negotiation process, contractual form, and contract implementation from the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. I find the incomplete relational form of the peace treaty to be consistent with the behavioral and new institutional concepts and find that only behavioral theory can explain how unilateral German moves unraveled the treaty during the 1930s. But the historical record further reveals that the close fit between the behavioral paradigm and these events is more than coincidence. I also discuss the role of conference participants, particularly John Maynard Keynes and Walter Lippmann, in establishing the basis for modern behavioral science. The behavioral paradigm emerged from efforts to understand and fix serious policy mistakes such as those made in the peace negotiations. The study of human error was intended to serve as the basis for broad‐based organizational solutions. Finally, I discuss the impact of “the Munich stereotype” on such recent events as the planning for the American invasion and reconstruction of Iraq; such examples suggest continued imperfections in the system of organized intelligence that has actually evolved in the United States.     

把握着力点探索统筹城乡发展新模式

统筹城乡发展是党中央解决城乡二元结构的总体思路和战略选择,也是解决“三农”问题的最终出路。目前我国城乡二元结构造成的深层次矛盾和问题依然突出,城乡发展的差距还在扩大,怎样解决这些问题,仍值得我们去思考和探索。     

新形势下地方党校马克思主义理论教育：困境与出路

在全球化、网络化不断发展的新形势下,地方党校马克思主义理论教育正面临着“一源弱化”、“一课常讲”、“一式固定”、“一师多能”和“一体失位”等诸多困境。坚持以马克思主义理论特别是中国特色社会主义理论体系为主课;多层次,分类别对学员进行理论教育,切实达到真学、真懂、真信、真用的目的;拓展与创新马克思主义理论教育的教学方法,竭力打造立体式、开放型的教育模式;构建教师与学员“实践共同体”,真正体现马克思主义理论教育以人为本的理念是新形势下地方党校马克思主义理论教育的出路。     

Correctly Understanding “School Choice”

Despite ample debates over the efficacy of school choice, theorizing has lagged behind and this hinders progress. Milton Friedman, the choice movement founder, never claimed that choice would improve academics; choice was inherently valuable and parents might demand anything. Choice advocates also exaggerate the remedial power of markets and proliferating academic options seldom brings academic diligence. Given free tutoring opportunities, those lagging behind reject them, and costs will usually be too high for most low achievers. Extensive schooling options already exist, so waging political battles to add more is unnecessary. Moreover, today’s supposed “school choice” is not genuine consumer choice no matter how educationally worthwhile; it is imposed from above san consumer input. Even when choice schools shine, it is unclear why. If free to chose, consumes may prefer non-academics. Finally, if choice qua choice is the standard, focusing on academic achievement is misdirected.

地方党政关系的宪政思考

地方党政关系是中国地方政治结构的重要组成元素之一,地方党政关系的发展对于地方政治发展具有重要影响。从宪政视角看,地方“党”与“政”之间要形成和谐稳定的党政关系,需做好两方面的工作：在法治方面,通过法治形成对地方党政关系的刚性规范;在制度安排方面,重新分配地方党委和地方政府的权力和职能,地方党委享有决策权,地方政府拥有执行权。