"辞官下海"与廉政监控

本文简述了近年来出现的我国第二次党政干部辞职经商办企业的类型、特点及对廉政建设的冲击,阐述了在职党政干部不得经商办企业的廉政义务,论证了离职党政干部在离职后的一定期限内仍然负有这一义务,分析了这一义务的例外情形,主张对离职党政干部到企业任职作更完善的制度建设和更有效的监控.     

论宪法与政治文明

在政治文明史上 ,宪法的产生具有里程碑的意义。宪法是权利的保障书 ,人权是政治文明的终极关怀 ;宪法是民主政治的法律化 ,民主政治是政治文明的保障 ;宪法是治国之法 ,法治是政治文明的基本运作方式 ;宪法是宪政的前提 ,宪政是政治文明的核心。宪法与政治文明相辅相成、不可分离     

论法律适用中的"契约自由"原则——国际合同的自体法

肇始于16世纪的"意思自治"理论,标志着合同准据法理论发展的里程碑,即客观论向主观论的发展,特别是以意思自治为主、辅之以最密切联系原则的合同自体法理论的提出,更是将合同准据法理论推向一个前所未有的高度,它一改过去合同法律适用的机械性做法,强调尊重当事人自主意识,并将契约当做一个整体来看待,体现了国际私法合同法律适用的潮流和趋势。     

深入理解“三个代表”重要思想的关键是转换思维方式

思维方式的解放较之观念的解放是更为根本的思想解放.要使主体能够内化"三个代表"重要思想,必须具备与这一思想相通的思维方式.这就需要积极推进由传统的"革命党思维"向"执政党思维"转换,这是当前保持与时俱进精神状态、深入理解"三个代表"重要思想的关键.     

Challenging statutory limitations on children's education rights: a re-examination of the Canadian Supreme Court Decision in Auton

The 2004 Supreme Court of Canada decision in Auton concerns the right of autistic children to access services held by their parents to be essential to their children's ability to participate as members of a democratic society. It is argued that the child's right to have his or her basic developmental needs met is a constitutionally protected one. Having those developmental needs met engages both education and health rights. In Auton the parents had sought funding for the service at issue from the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Children and Families (which dealt with mental health services and other particular support programs for the families of disabled children) as well as from the Ministry of Education. The case raises central questions regarding the very nature of education and the constitutionality of a discretionary power of government to set out statutory limitations upon fundamental human rights including education rights.     

试论我国行政监察的法治化途径

行政监察工作法治化是依法行政的必然要求,纵观我国现行行政监察体制和运行机制,存在着明显的缺陷和不足。探索一条科学有效的社会主义行政监察之路,需要在马列主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论以及“三个代表”重要思想指导下,弘扬民主理念,完善行政监察立法,深化体制改革,建立专职的行政监察队伍,实现国际社会联合协调行动。     

Turkey – from tutelary to delegative democracy

Guillermo O’Donnell’s influential work ‘Delegative Democracy’ set the discourse on a peculiar type of democracy. Lying between representative democracy and authoritarianism, the uniqueness of delegative democracy lies in its features, including an absence of horizontal accountability, strong centralised rule, individual leadership with unchecked powers, a cult figure embodying the nation and clientelist practices. While delegative democracies seem to arise out of presidential systems, Turkey, though a parliamentary system, has also displayed the distinctive features of delegative democracies. This paper identifies three characteristics of delegative democracy, which are responsible for the lack of democratic consolidation, if not the erosion of democracy itself: anti-institutionalism, an anti-political agenda and clientelism. Arguing that delegative democracy is the best concept with which to examine contemporary Turkey, the paper lays out how, post-2011, Turkey has demonstrated the three elements of delegative democracy. The final section discusses the implications of the Turkish case for scrutinising the very possibility of delegative democracy in parliamentary regimes.     

Is governance democratic?

This paper argues that governance can engender undemocratic inequality, exclusion and populism. It does so by analysing the concept of governance, and unearthing three theoretical justifications for it: one libertarian, one radical and one republican. These justifications are in turn refuted by showing how they respectively undermine a process-view of democracy, neglect structural avenues for accountability and encourage elites to wield power.