论社会主义宪政

宪政发源于西方的事实,使社会主义中国的宪政建设面临诸多理论问题。宪政具有极强的地域性,是资本主义国家的贡献,但可以与社会主义兼容。宪政核心的价值是限制政治权力,保护人民的自由。社会主义宪政与资本主义宪政一样,同样追求权力的限制和自由的保护。但二者在防止国家权力侵犯个人自由的制度设计上存在本质区别。要建设有中国特色的社会主义宪政,必须保证宪法的正当性,建立一套违宪审查机制,同时还要培养公民的宪政意识。     

试论规模困境与联邦主义

小国自由民主 ,但却因弱小而易被外国势力灭亡 ;大国繁荣强大 ,但却易出现专制腐败而灭亡。如何把国家之大而产生的好处与国家之小而产生的好处结合起来 ,解决规模带来的困境 ,联邦主义“运用许多共存的、相互交叉的政府单位”提供了解决的方法 ,既有统一的联邦 ,又有自治的州和各级地方政府 ,在自由、活力与统一、秩序之间达到了平衡 ,使美国“既像一个小国那样自由和幸福 ,又像一个大国那样光荣和强大”。     

Who Toes the Party Line? Cues, Values, and Individual Differences

This article explores individual differences in citizens’ reliance on cues and values in political thinking. It uses experimental evidence to identify which citizens are likely to engage in heuristic processing and which citizens are likely to engage in systematic processing in developing opinions about a novel issue. The evidence suggests that political awareness crisply distinguishes between heuristic and systematic processors. The less politically aware rely on party cues and not on an issue-relevant value. As political awareness increases, reliance on party cues drops and reliance on an issue-relevant value rises. Need for cognition fails to yield clear results. The results suggest two routes to opinion formation: heuristic processing and systematic processing. Political awareness, not need for cognition, predicts which route citizens will take.     

Dog Whistles and Democratic Mandates

Manipulative mixed messages from candidates to voters affect what governments are entitled to do in office. A party that wins an election gains a 'mandate to rule'. But there is a second type of mandate: a 'policy mandate' to enact specific policy proposals central to the winning party's campaign. Mixed-message politics in general can undermine policy mandates, and the use of 'dog whistle politics' - telling one group of voters one thing, while allowing or encouraging another group to believe another - makes the inferring of policy mandates especially problematic. Referendums provide only a partial remedy to dog whistle politics. Winning a clear policy mandate means forgoing dog whistle politics, despite the short term electoral advantage they may deliver.     

Money for our people? Decentralisation and corruption in Romania: the cases of the equalisation,infrastructure and pre‐university education funds

In spite of the attempts, in the most recent years, to introduce simple, accountable and rule‐based mechanisms governing the flows of funds for Romanian local governments (LGs) there is evidence showing that deviations from the norms are still widespread and undermine the stated goals of many policies. This article aims to explore to what extent the political factor (party affiliation, i.e. local informal power networks) interferes with the allocation of public funds as far as three main areas of decentralised policy are concerned: (i) the general purpose equalisation transfers; (ii) the Roads Fund grants and (iii) the transfers for financing the pre‐university education. These components represent a relatively large share of the local budgets and are illustrative for two important attributions Romanian LGs perform today: maintaining the local infrastructure and providing essential social services. Through a set of variables—measuring, on the one hand, the real pattern of resource allocation and on the other hand, the intensity of politicisation in the three areas—we tested the hypothesis that intergovernmental financial flows in Romania are to a large extent captured by rent‐seeking groups. It turns out that this is indeed the case with the funds for infrastructure, and much less so with the transfers financing pre‐university education. Some conclusions from these contrasting situations are drawn which reflect on the broader discussion, the link between decentralisation and corruption. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

党务公开：发展党内民主的理论和制度创新

党的十六届四中全会《决定》首次明确提出逐步推进党务公开,这是党的执政理念的新突破和提高党的执政能力的新举措。党务公开是发展党内民主的内在要求,贯穿于党内民主建设的各个方面和环节。推进党务公开,进一步扩大了党员和群众对党内事务的知情权、参与权、选择权和监督权,成为新时期发展党内民主的理论和制度创新。     

新加坡人民行动党执政模式分析

新加坡政党政治最为显著的特征是人民行动党一党长期执政.新加坡政党政治的特征和政治文明的成就,使得新加坡人民行动党成为便于借鉴和值得借鉴的执政模式.新加坡人民行动党的执政模式主要表现为:(1)一党独大、多党竞争的政党关系模式;(2)代表全国利益、反映各方意见的政党立场模式;(3)以权制权、以法治权的权力制衡模式;(4)主动"猎人"、科学选人的人才选用模式;(5)老一代主动退位让贤、新一代"自行决定"领袖的权力交接模式.     

试析中国政治体制改革的任务、经验及目标模式

中国现行政体是作为现代民主政体两种基本类型之一的人民民主政体.中国政治体制改革的基本任务是发展、完善现行人民民主政体,而非将其彻底否定,以自由民主政体取而代之.中国政治体制改革的一个成功经验,就是社会主义国家政治体制改革必须遵循坚持、发展、完善人民民主政体的原则.中国政治体制的目标模式应当是一种新型的人民民主政体,即以"坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一"为基本特征的新型人民民主政体.     

论司法权运行的民主性——以自组织理论为分析工具

自组织理论作为研究自然界复杂性现象和事物的方法和工具，也应该适用于广义自然界下的人类社会这一复杂系统。比较可以发现，作为人类社会子系统的司法权运行系统，存在开放性、两造的非平衡性结构、证据裁判及非线性攻防特征，这与自组织的四个基本条件是吻合的，或者说司法权运行系统具有自组织性。同时，司法权运行中所必备的整体性视野、非决定论思想和不可逆理念也与自组织理论的哲学特性契合。司法民主是司法权运行系统的自组织性体现。以自组织理论分析司法权的运行，可以避免比较法、逻辑理性等法学视域的狭隘，为司法民主寻找更为客观的社会学和自然科学意义上的根据。     

选人用人科学化的再思考

按照"党的建设科学化"这一重大命题的逻辑,研究和思考选人用人科学化具有重要的理论价值和现实意义。实现选人用人科学化,必须针对选人用人上存在的瓶颈问题,大力推进选人用人制度改革,不断提高选人用人科学化水平。同时,要建立和依靠科学的制度,为选人用人科学化提供基本保障。