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91.
贺平 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2012,(3):99-102
台湾光复初期,曾在大陆学习或生活过的一些台湾学生回到了台湾,他们在争取台湾民主和祖国统一,反对专制政治制度的斗争中,参与了反对国民党当局的"二.二八"事件并进行武装斗争;利用文字宣传和做青年学生的工作,传播民主和祖国统一的理念。 相似文献
92.
近年,国内学界对协商民主模式颇为关注,众多学者对这一模式的起源、定义、发展趋向等方面进行了大量研究,但很少注意到:协商民主模式的有效运作必须以一国内部不同群体之间的横切分裂为基础;这一模式内部包含多元参与;其有效运作必须以一国内部经济、宗教、语言、民族、意识形态等方面的非两极化为前提。协商民主模式的发展必须注意多元参与和运作前提等等。对中国共产党÷八大代表结构变化的分析可以判断出:我国正在完善多元协商模式,而且,这一模式将有效维护我国政治、经济和社会的稳定。 相似文献
93.
Scholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. Some suggest that lack of recognition forces political elites to democratize and acquire internal legitimacy to compensate for the lack of external legitimacy. Others suggest that democratization is used as a strategy by which to acquire international recognition. Still others claim that non-recognition obliges unrecognized states to rely on a patron state which, in turn, hinders the quality of democracy. To contribute to this discussion, we have conducted an in-depth case study. Focusing on democratic quality in Northern Cyprus from 2010 to 2016, it is observed that reliance on a patron state leads to dynamics of tutelage, in turn hindering the quality of democracy. 相似文献
94.
李放 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2007,21(3):1-6
在社会主义条件下,工会作为无产阶级执政党联结工人阶级的纽带,是党实现执政使命的重要组织资源。然而,在市场经济条件下,受传统体制的制度约束,工会组织亟待摆脱“制度性弱势”,完成党巩固阶级基础的“传动装置”的再启动。因此,需要在党的推动下实现工会制度创新,不断完善工会维权机制,提高工会组织的代表能力,赢得职工群众的信任,这有利于增强党在代表最广大人民根本利益层面的政治合法性。 相似文献
95.
对党校期刊办刊特色的几点思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
如何把党校期刊做大做强、办出自身的特色,是党校期刊目前面临的最重要的问题之一.党校期刊的特色是由其自身的性质、地位和作用决定的,它突出表现在鲜明的党性、理论联系实际以及较强的应用性这三个方面.党校期刊的特色化建设,必须凸显党校特点,创办特色栏目,突出地域特色,充分发挥党校的资源优势;同时还必须强化编辑主体的特色意识,提高编辑主体的学术水平和学术创新能力. 相似文献
96.
RICHARD KELLY 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(2):260-268
Since it came to power, New Labour has introduced a range of new electoral system into the British political system, implicitly accepting the argument that Britain's traditional electoral system - first-past-the-post (FPTP) - has been a cause of voter disenchantment with Britain's representative democracy. In this article, it is asserted that Labour's reforms have merely compounded this problem, while demonstrating that all electoral systems have significant flaws. Indeed, it is argued that the flaws of the new systems are more serious than those of FPTP and threaten an even greater disconnection between UK politicians and the people they represent." 相似文献
97.
PATRICIA WHITE 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(2):221-231
This paper examines the citizenship test which is part of the UK naturalisation process. The test is based on the government publication Life in the United Kingdom: A Journey to Citizenship. A detailed analysis of its two editions (2004 and 2007) reveals that the conception of the citizen, and the picture of British government and society underlying each are very different. There is, additionally, a mismatch between the rationale offered for the Life in the United Kingdom test and what the latter can in fact test: the attitudes and civic virtues mentioned in the rationale are untestable on-line. A society which aspires to be a democracy, it is argued, needs to scrutinise carefully the fairness and democratic appropriateness of its procedures for admitting new citizens. 相似文献
98.
Does Workplace Experience Enhance Political Participation? A Critical Test of a Venerable Hypothesis
Per Adman 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):115-138
Several schools of thought claim that citizens can develop their democratic skills at the workplace. Here I focus on the hypothesis
put forward by Carole Pateman and by Sidney Verba and colleagues that state that by practicing civic skills and democratic
decision-making at the workplace, citizens become more active in politics. I test the hypothesis with a nationally representative
panel survey of the Swedish population. My findings contradict previous empirical research as no impact on political participation
was discovered. I argue that the effects may have been overestimated in prior studies because the tests were based on cross-sectional
data: insufficient care was taken with a number of significant methodological problems. The study points to the importance
of using panel models when investigating the causes of political participation.
相似文献
Per AdmanEmail: |
99.
In today's environment, the international response to conflict often entails multiple mediators as well as other third-party actors such as peacekeeping forces, development agencies, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and lone operators. Such a profusion of actors has often made peacemaking efforts messy, difficult, and at times chaotic. The vicious nature of internal conflicts, however, and the high costs for the international community of failing to prevent or end war make it critical to understand these multiple third-party interventions. The principal question is: do these multiparty mediations help or hurt the cause of peace? If the answer to that question is that a multiplicity of third parties can hurt a peace process, does the solution lie in stopping multiple third-party attempts at peacemaking? On the other hand, if the answer is that multiparty mediation can help, are there ways of increasing the chances that it will? 相似文献
100.
高瑊君 《中共山西省委党校学报》2001,24(4):31-33
村民自治是在广大农村实行直接民主的一项基本政治制度,是有中国特色社会主义民主政治的主要形式之一.村民自治的核心内容是民主选举、民主决策、民主管理和民主监督,体现社会主义国家人民当家作主的民主本质,显示社会主义民主的广泛性和真实性特征.村民自治是我国农村经济体制改革的必然要求,为我国农村开辟了一条发展中国特色社会主义民主政治的道路,实行村民自治有着极其重要的战略意义. 相似文献