十六大以来中央领导集体党建理论的新发展

十六大以来,以胡锦涛为总书记的党中央坚持以马列主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论和"三个代表"重要思想为指导,在党的建设问题上进行新的探索,及时总结党建新经验,取得了一系列重大的理论成果。     

协商民主视野下的人民政协制度建设

以协商民主理论为参照,分析中国人民政治协商制度框架中已有制度的特点和应有制度之建设,从中可获得若干启发:即协商民主所追求的价值理念与人民政协制度建设的理念相契合;协商民主所期望的实践成果在人民政协制度建设中有具体体现;协商民主所引发的广泛讨论为中国人民政治协商制度建设改革提供了民意基础。     

反腐倡廉制度建设与积极推进政治体制改革

反腐倡廉制度建设本身就是一种政治体制改革,是整个政治体制改革的重要组成部分,甚至是关键性组成部分,必须以更大的决心和勇气积极推进政治体制改革,为反腐倡廉制度建设创造更为广阔的空间和更加有利的条件;同时,反腐倡廉制度建设与创新又不是孤立的,必然涉及现行政治体书的许多方面,内在地要求并启动相关领域的政治体制改革。当前围绕反腐倡廉制度建设积极推进政治体制改革,其基本出发点是从“权力本位”到“权利本位”;主要着力点是从“高度集权”到“党内民主”;关键生长点是从“权力委任”到“权力民授”;根本动力点是从“顶层设计”到“民意推动”。     

Experimentalism in the EU: Common ground and persistent differences

Our central claim in this rejoinder is that experimentalist forms of organization in making regulatory rules, organizing social services, and articulating constitutional norms arise and diffuse as the problem that the actors and the state face shifts from ignorance to uncertainty. We argue that this has consequences for forms of accountability and for the conception and organization of democracy and constitutionalism. The EU, founded by diverse states in a period of continuing uncertainty, intensified by growing interdependence, proves to be a natural laboratory for observing urgent efforts to adjust to this new situation, and the symposium focuses on developments there. The symposium has brought us to see that there is more common ground in these debates than prior exchanges may have suggested. We therefore emphasize convergence on large points, while underscoring and, we hope, clarifying persistent differences, with the aim of encouraging the joint exploration of them already underway, in part explicitly, in part implicitly.     

革命老区农村基层民主政治建设的实践探索——遵义市农村基层民主政治建设的调查与思考

基层民主政治建设是我国政治文明建设的重要组成部分。遵义市在创建服务型党组织中,紧紧围绕基层民主政治建设的目标,将创新社会管理与基层民主政治建设有机统一起来,不断创新基层农村民主政治建设的实现形式,推动社会主义基层民主政治建设不断取得新进展。     

Party unity and presidential dominance: parliamentary development in the fourth republic of Ghana

Political power in contemporary sub-Saharan Africa is often portrayed as being highly informal and heavily personalised. The assumption that personalised politics is how ‘Africa works’ has led to the neglect of the study of Africa's formal institutions, including parliaments. This article assesses the position of the Parliament of Ghana under the Fourth Republic. It displays evidence suggesting that over successive parliamentary terms parliamentary committees became increasingly adept at handling legislation, and inputting into the policy process. It also shows that the parliament was increasingly able to oversee the implementation of legislation. Although the findings of hitherto undocumented progress represent a valuable nuance, the argument that the parliament became increasingly able to input into the legislative process says exactly that; while the parliament became increasingly capable of amending legislation rarely was this witnessed. The article argues that parliamentary development in Ghana has been a function of three interacting structural factors: the constitution; unified government since 1992; and political party unity. The strong partisan identities of legislators from the two major political parties – the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC) – provide the executive with extra leverage to control the parliament. Throughout the Ghanaian parliament is juxtaposed with the Kenyan National Assembly. More substantially, the article seeks to force a revision of the dominant narrative that generalises African party systems as fluid and fragmented, and African political parties as lacking any recognisable internal cohesion or ideology.     

Progress,power, and violent accumulation in Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe's recent travails have challenged the concept of progress as it is popularly conceived, as they have forced social scientists to revisit many of the verities of nationalist history and the initial euphoria of Zimbabwean ‘liberation’. Critics of ‘fast-track’ land reform and patriotism, however, have been as simplistic as the regime's academic praise singers, and often simply turn celebratory scholarship upside down. Historically rooted and specifically applied concepts of primitive accumulation can assist the understanding of the development of Zimbabwe's coercive networks of accumulation and their more recent manifestations, but they do not solve the problems of how to lessen violence and deepen democracy in the short term.     

俄罗斯政治发展的现实困境与路径选择

经过20年的转型,俄罗斯在遵循民主政治基本原则的基础上,已经确立了宪政民主的框架。然而,西方的民主政治并不适合俄罗斯政治发展的实际,处于转型期的民主政治体制仍然存在着许多缺陷。"超级总统制"的宪政设计、"无执政党"的政党政治与发育不良的公民社会成为制约俄罗斯政治发展三个主要障碍。照搬西方政治模式只能意味着俄罗斯政治发展的失败,立足现实国情,尊重文化传统,加强权力的分享与制衡,形成民主、权威与法治相结合的政治发展道路是可行的选择。     

民事诉讼法上的“利害关系人”之界定

因我国民事诉讼立法及相关司法解释对利害关系人的概念缺乏明确界定,学者们在注解相关条文中的＂利害关系人＂时亦见解不一,故难以厘清＂利害关系人＂与＂当事人＂、＂案外人＂等概念之间的关系。实务界因缺乏明确的法律依据和正确的理论指引,在利害关系人之诉权保护及确定审判权作用范围等问题上不时遭遇操作障碍。就制定法上概念、术语的精确化而言,司法解释比法条定义更具灵活性和针对性,更能适用变化多样的法律关系。为了保护利害关系人的合法权益,保障民事诉讼的正常运行,最高人民法院应根据一般民事案件的私益性、对抗性,非讼案件的公益性,执行案件兼顾第三人利益之特点,出台相关司法解释,对通常诉讼程序、非讼程序和执行程序中的利害关系人分别作出界定。     

对高校科技工作者党建工作问题的分析与思考——以北京部分高校为例

本文依据实证数据分析当前高校科技工作者党建问题。调查发现高校科技工作者党建工作存在动力短缺化、动机功利化、思想非政治化、机制固态化、队伍单薄化、方式滞后化等问题,这些问题源于高校科技工作者对社会转型认知不足、市场经济功利主义的施虐、西方文化价值观念的渗透、对党政治认同感的降低、管制型党建理念的制约、队伍建设重视不足、忽视网络技术党建功能等因素的相互交织。应从提高科技工作者的社会认知能力、开展西方现实国情教育、注重社会主义核心价值体系的引领、巩固党在高校科技工作者的政治威信、重视高校党建队伍全面发展、建构服务型高校党建工作理念、推行电子党务建设工程等方面下功夫,促进高校科技工作者党建工作有序发展。