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981.
本文通过对“齐玉苓案件”的分析对一些学者在讨论该案时所采取的“宪法司法化”的思路提出质疑,首先,宪法司法化指称的对象并不准确,宪法条文中可以“司法化”的仅仅局限在公民的基本权利部分;其次,宪法司法化是一个生造的概念,它既包含了违宪审查的味道,还有宪法诉愿的痕迹。从“齐玉苓案件”的本身性质来看,其中所涉及的真正问题是宪法中的基本权利条款是否可以对私人间侵犯基本权利的行为提供救济,以及如何提供救济。最高人民法院在“齐玉苓案件”中所采用的直接适用宪法条文的办法是不足取的,德国学者提出的基本权利间接适用的学说值得我们借鉴。  相似文献   
982.
立党为公、执政为民是"三个代表"重要思想的本质要求,是无产阶级政党同一切剥削阶级政党的根本区别;唯物主义历史观和科学的价值观是立党为公、执政为民的理论基础;实现立党为公、执政为民必须坚持社会主义方向,必须把发展放在首位,必须转变干部作风,必须关心困难群体。  相似文献   
983.
依据政治学原理,任何执政党的政治统治都有一个合法化的问题.中国共产党作为执政党,政治统治的合法化包括历史的、道义的和现实的内容,这与"三个代表"重要思想密切相关.中国共产党只要站在时代的制高点上,代表先进生产力的发展要求即可获得历史的合法性;代表先进文化前进方向即可获得道义的合法性;代表最广大人民的根本利益即可获得现实的合法性.三者紧密联系,内在统一,其中代表最广大人民群众根本利益最为重要.  相似文献   
984.
On the eve of Chile's transition from military to elected government, the outgoing regime enacted an electoral engineering project intended to conserve the constitutional order it encoded in 1980. An analysis of 1989 and 1993 general elections shows that the way votes are translated into seats favors, as intended, the second largest electoral block, the Chilean Right. This bias, along with the number of appointed senators and the special majorities required for constitutional amendments, gives the Right a minority veto power on any reform initiative. Moreover, the electoral system produces incentives for parties, candidates and voters that enhances this balance of power. The role that the electoral system plays in Chile therefore consolidates a limited form of democracy, rather than a liberal one.  相似文献   
985.
江泽民“七一”讲话中提出的“通过发展党内民主 ,积极推动人民民主的发展”的思想 ,继承了马列主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论关于发展党内民主和人民民主的思想 ,本文论述了发展党内民主与积极推动人民民主的辩证关系。  相似文献   
986.
论市场经济对民主政治作用的两重性   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
市场经济对民主政治的作用具有两重性。市场经济一方面通过促进民主政治基本原则的形成 ,为民主政治提供必要的社会基础条件和民主政治运行的共同性规则 ,对民主政治起着积极促进作用。另一方面 ,市场经济必然导致经济不平等的社会后果 ,破坏民主政治的社会基础 ,不利于民主政治向更高的阶段发展 ,对民主政治起着消极破坏作用。中国二十多年的市场经济改革 ,产生了对民主政治具有两重性影响的社会后果。在这种情况下 ,建设民主政治 ,就是应努力发扬市场经济对民主政治的积极促进作用 ,尽力克服市场经济对民主政治的消极破坏作用 ,实现社会政治经济的协调发展  相似文献   
987.
Party identification is a standard part of our understanding of presidential voting, but the effects of presidential incumbency on presidential voting have not been recognized in most voting models. Democratic candidates in the twentieth century received 10 percent more of the two-party vote when Democratic incumbents were running for reelection than when Republican incumbents were running. National Election Studies surveys show that the effect of incumbency varies with individual partisanship, with the greatest effect, as expected, among independents. Opposition party identifiers defect at a higher rate than incumbent party identifiers when the incumbent is running for reelection. Even after controlling for retrospective and prospective economic voting, a 6 percent effect is found for incumbency. Incumbency thus conditions the impact of partisanship on presidential voting.  相似文献   
988.
This article examines the role of party activists in the partisan evolution of the abortion issue. Previous research indicates that party elites—specifically members of Congress—and partisans in the mass public have become more differentiated in their abortion attitudes during the last several decades with Democrats becoming more pro-choice and Republicans becoming increasingly pro-life. The missing piece of the picture is the behavior of party activists. Accordingly, this research examines the changes in the abortion attitudes of two groups of party activists during the last three decades: campaign activists and national convention delegates. From 1972 to 1980 there were no significant differences in the abortion attitudes of Republican and Democratic campaign activists, and the mean positions of the two parties' national convention delegates did not differ greatly. However, since 1984 there has been a growing differentiation in the abortion positions of both groups of party activists. Now Democratic activists are consistently pro-choice while Republican activists are equally pro-life. This evidence indicates that the differentiation on the abortion issue that has only recently emerged among partisans in the mass public was predated by an earlier and much more dramatic polarization that had already developed among party activists and elites, thus supporting a model of issue evolution introduced by Carmines and Stimson in their study of racial issues. We also find that citizens' abortion attitudes have become increasingly correlated with party voting not just in presidential elections but also in House, Senate, and gubernatorial contests during this period as well as being more closely related to political ideology. All of this evidence points to the growing extent to which abortion has become a partisan issue in American politics and the key role that party activists have played in this process.  相似文献   
989.
This paper probes into a hypothesised opportunism towards political party affiliation among local politicians in Taiwan since the power transition from Kuomintang (KMT) to Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) rule began in 2000. Longitudinal changes in election candidates' party affiliation are analysed to see what happened to the KMT's supposedly strong base of local politicians after the change of governing party. The research finds a generally high propensity of election candidates' changing or dropping their party affiliation between elections, and an increased propensity among KMT candidates after 2000. However, defections to other parties are more common in higher elections. In grassroots elections, many candidates flow in and out of their party affiliation depending on the political circumstances, but they rarely change party. Several years after the DPP gained power in presidential elections, the new ruling party is still struggling to build a strong local party organisation.  相似文献   
990.
论网络虚拟财产的刑法保护   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
网络虚拟财产又称网财 ,是指游戏中的帐号、货号、装备、级别、段位、宠物等网上物资的总称。网络虚拟财产属于无形财产 ,是具有价值和使用价值的商品。伴随网财交易市场的日渐形成 ,网络虚拟财产犯罪的打击和监管已成为必要。网络虚拟财产犯罪主体的高发群体是青年 ,客观方面表现为隐蔽性和智能性 ,客体方面表现为多样性。处理网络虚拟财产犯罪的基本原则是拓展现行刑法关于妨害社会管理秩序罪及财产犯罪的适用范围 ,在刑法不能涵盖的地方作出补充和修改。  相似文献   
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