System failure: it's not just the media — the whole political system has failed

This paper provides a critique of attempts in the field of political communication to explain apparent voter apathy and declining electoral turnout. The response of many commentators is either to blame the media for the problem or to see the media as the solution to any problem that might exist. First, the paper examines the ‘blame the media’ school of thought—as exemplified by liberal commentators in the UK and the USA. Secondly, the paper focuses on the ‘optimists’ who argue that the spin/media nexus is either morally neutral or may actually be improving citizen involvement. The paper argues that both approaches are flawed at the level of conceptualisation and of methodology. The narrow conceptualisation of the field means that even in the unusual cases where scholars look beyond the question of elections, the research agenda is still fixed at the level of media power and not on how the media fit into a wider system of power relations. Most obviously, the field tends to avoid the question of political and economic outcomes. The paper ends by suggesting that the problem of disengagement from formal politics is a response to the crisis of legitimacy in the institutions of democracy in the USA and UK. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

Echoes of Butler? The Conservative Research Department and the Making of Conservative Policy

Although it remains a comparatively little known institution, the Conservative Research Department (CRD) has played an important role in modern British political history. The last few years have seen a remarkable revival in its fortunes. In several important respects, this revival echoes that of the Department under the chairmanship of Rab Butler following the election defeat of 1945. This article examines some of the parallels to be drawn between the experience of the CRD between 1945 and 1951 and between 2001 and the present. It concludes by drawing some general conclusions about how the Conservative party should develop policy when in opposition.     

Saving the Union: Conservatives and the 'Celtic Fringe'

The creation of devolved institutions in Scotland and Wales has forced the Conservative party to rethink its Unionism. At Westminster, the Conservatives have highlighted the anomalies of the devolution settlement and pressed for a rebalancing of the constitution. With the re-emergence of the West Lothian question in 2003, the Conservatives revived William Hague's proposal for 'English votes for English laws'. Fresh thinking on devolution is evident in the Scottish and Welsh Conservatives but they remain in the electoral doldrums. The Conservatives have taken tentative steps towards a 'new Unionism', but there are tensions between the focus on the 'English question' at Westminster and the efforts of Conservatives in Scotland and Wales to convince voters that they represent the interests of both the Union and their respective nations.     

Money Matters: The Financing of the Conservative Party

The article examines the financing of the Conservative Party in the aftermath of the 2001 general election. An examination of the party's income and expenditure shows that pre-2001 patterns remain - the Conservatives are the poorer of the two main parties but continue to be the principal recipient of corporate and in-kind donations. However, the article also demonstrates that income rose sharply in the aftermath of the change of leadership in 2003, suggesting that this change may have stimulated donations. Also, as for other parties, questions of probity continue to arise following larger donations but, like Labour, the Conservatives oppose any caps on political giving.     

Déjà vu? Conservative Problems in Historical Perspective

Since 2001, the Conservative party has found itself in turbulent times. Yet the party has survived similarly difficult periods in the past, eventually recovering its strength and returning to power. Can it do so again? The problems for today's party exist along four key dimensions: leadership, policy, organisation and political circumstances. How grave are contemporary difficulties in each of these areas in comparison to past experience? To what extent is the party now in uncharted waters? Where are there valid historical parallels? The article offers a brief sketch of the lessons that the party needs to learn to recover its election winning formula ‐ an appetite for power and an impressive ability to adapt to changed circumstances. Today's problems are not insurmountable, but the party still has a huge mountain to climb if it is to return to government.     

Remote Electronic Voting: Free,Fair and Secret?

Most of the debate surrounding remote electronic voting has focused on technical issues such as security and feasibility. This article examines the equally important issue of whether voting outside the context of the supervised polling place meets the legal and normative standards required of democratic elections. Our conclusion is that if voting that takes place in an unsupervised context, it is virtually impossible to guarantee that it will be carried out in secret, and that lack of secrecy constitutes a serious violation of the principles of freeness and fairness that govern elections in democratic states. This argument also has implications for postal voting, which are discussed in brief.     

行政体制改革的价值取向:公共性和服务性

行政体制改革要从维护社会公共利益出发,以追求公正为天职,以满足公众服务为宗旨。随着市场的发展和社会利益多元化格局的出现,行政体制改革要实现由权力行政向民主行政转变,由管制行政向服务行政转变。政府必须做到推行以市场化为导向的公共行政,树立以民为本的公共服务行政。     

论增强民主党派的参政党意识

发挥我国社会主义政党制度的特点和优势 ,必须注意增强民主党派的参政党意识 ,包括坚持中国共产党领导的意识、求同存异的意识、参政议政和民主监督的意识、大局意识和忧患意识等。目前民主党派的参政党意识较为薄弱 ,这既有历史的原因 ,也有现实的原因。为增强参政党意识 ,民主党派要加强自身建设 ,适时考虑制定自己的纲领 ,还要勇于和善于同执政党唱“对台戏”。     

论未生效合同

未生效合同是指已经成立但尚未生效的合同 ,它是法律对合同的暂时性评价 ,是合同过程中的一个特殊阶段。未生效合同概念之生成源自于合同的成立与生效之区别。它包括四种类型 :须批准、登记型 ,附停止条件型 ,附始期型及效力未定型。它在合同效力体系中 ,应属于效力未定的合同 ,而不是有效合同等。最后 ,依据我国法律的规定 ,对未生效合同效力中最重要的相对人利益的保护问题进行了探讨     

我国村民自治制度及其法治化构想探析

自《村民委员会组织法》颁布以来,村民自治成为国家实施公共管理手段的一种重要体现,成为农村政治的热点。文章论述了我国村民自治及政府对其发展模式的影响,结合村民自治与法治的发展,认为我国农村社会自治的发展离不开民主与法制建设,自治与法治是相互依存相互发展的,社会多元格局的存续将成为法制现代化和农村自治化发展的社会因素。