论侵权领域的当事人意思自治原则

当事人意思自治原则是涉外合同领域确定准据法的首要原则,但近年来,当事人意思自治原则有向侵权领域扩展的趋势,其原因有内、外两方面。侵权领域选择法律的做法可以促使当事人更好地解决争议。     

Culture Wars,Secular Realignment,and the Gender Gap in Party Identification

Changes in the U.S. partisan balance over the past decade are often attributed to the enhanced political salience of cultural issues. Yet as white men have continued to become more Republican in recent years, white women increasingly identify with the Democrats. To the extent that cultural issues are influencing this partisan change, men and women must be responding differently to this cultural agenda. Using a pooled ANES data set from 1988 through 2000, I explore the extent to which cultural values are responsible for this gender realignment. Findings suggest that salient cultural issues influence the partisan choices of both men and women, however in somewhat different ways. For women, the issues themselves—reproductive rights, female equality, and legal protection for homosexuals—have become increasingly important determinants of party identification. For men, the influence of cultural conflict on partisanship is argued to be equally pervasive, albeit less direct.     

Parental Socialization and Rational Party Identification

This article constructs a rational choice model of the intergenerational transmission of party identification. At a given time, identification with a party is the estimate of average future benefits from candidates of that party. Experienced voters constantly update this expectation using political events since the last realignment to predict the future in accordance with Bayes Rule. New voters, however, have no experience of their own. In Bayesian terms, they need prior beliefs. It turns out that under certain specified conditions, these young voters should rationally choose to employ parental experience to help orient themselves to politics. The resulting model predicts several well–known features of political socialization, including the strong correlation between parents' and children's partisanship, the greater partisan independence of young voters, and the tendency of partisan alignments to decay.     

经济全球化与21世纪党的建设创新

经济全球化给党的建设提出了新课题。必须适应经济全球化的新形势,实施党的建设创新战略,开创经济全球化时代党的建设和社会主义现代化建设的新局面。     

以“三个代表”为指针 加强中心城区党建工作

加强中心城区党建工作必须以"三个代表”的思想为指针,紧密结合城区党建工作的实际情况,调查研究,总结经验,找出薄弱环节,查找深层次原因,切实解决存在的问题,探索并建立中心城区党建工作的新思路和新机制.     

I'm Not That Liberal: Explaining Conservative Democratic Identification

The persistence of self-identified conservative Democrats in the electorate is puzzling. Both the ongoing Southern realignment and the recent ideological polarization should have resulted in conservative Democrats changing their party identification to accord with their discrepant ideology. Instead, the number of conservative Democrats, as a percentage of the total electorate, has held steady over the last 20 years. I propose an explanation for this phenomenon that draws upon theories of mass belief systems, as well as an element of recent political reality: the popular stigmatization of the word liberal. I argue that Democrats who are susceptible to elite cues garner positive affect toward the conservative label and negative affect toward the liberal label. They then identify themselves accordingly, regardless of their issue positions.     

The five shades of grey: party systems and authoritarian institutions in post-Soviet Central Asian states

ABSTRACT

This article overviews and seeks to explain the processes of party system formation in the post-Soviet Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) by focusing on a crucial party-system property, fragmentation. The analysis reveals that to a much greater extent than in democracies, where party systems are largely shaped by societal factors, the level of party system fragmentation in autocracies is determined by the scope of presidential powers, as entrenched in the formal institutional order and reflected in the national constitution. The level of authoritarianism is largely inconsequential for party system fragmentation, while the role of electoral rules is secondary. Institutionally weak and institutionally strong autocratic presidents have a preference for fragmented party systems, while presidents with an intermediate range of powers seek and obtain low levels of party system fragmentation.     

时代变化背景下对“两个务必”的重新审视

党的两代领导人在不同历史背景下都对"两个务必"作出了要求.在当前全面建设小康社会的新形势下,重新强调"两个务必",对于维护好、实现好、发展好人民群众利益,巩固党的执政地位,实现党的十六大制定的发展目标具有十分重要的意义.     

深入理解“三个代表”重要思想的关键是转换思维方式

思维方式的解放较之观念的解放是更为根本的思想解放.要使主体能够内化"三个代表"重要思想,必须具备与这一思想相通的思维方式.这就需要积极推进由传统的"革命党思维"向"执政党思维"转换,这是当前保持与时俱进精神状态、深入理解"三个代表"重要思想的关键.     

论法律适用中的"契约自由"原则——国际合同的自体法

肇始于16世纪的"意思自治"理论,标志着合同准据法理论发展的里程碑,即客观论向主观论的发展,特别是以意思自治为主、辅之以最密切联系原则的合同自体法理论的提出,更是将合同准据法理论推向一个前所未有的高度,它一改过去合同法律适用的机械性做法,强调尊重当事人自主意识,并将契约当做一个整体来看待,体现了国际私法合同法律适用的潮流和趋势。