当代中国政党制度中政党关系模式的优势和优化

发展社会主义民主政治,建设社会主义政治文明,是全面建设小康社会的重要目标。政党制度的进一步完善和优化必将在社会主义政治文明建设中发挥重要的作用。为此,我们必须继续坚持和完善共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度,更好地发挥我国社会主义政党制度的优势。文章对我国政党制度中政党关系模式的优势及怎样与时俱进地完善和优化我国政党制度中政党关系模式作了一定的探讨。     

利他合同的基本理论问题

基于“不得为他人缔约”的规则,罗马法上不承认利他合同。欧洲共同法时期受自然法学思想的影响,承认了利他合同,但以第三人的接受作为前提。因为其在实践上的缺陷,这一理论逐渐为新理论所取代,直接承认合同可以对第三人产生效力。建立中国法上的利他合同制度,不宜通过对合同法第64条的解释来实现,而应在完整借鉴大陆法系利他合同理论的基础上,在未来民法典中通过立法的方式来实现。     

执政党执政合法性的内涵与资源探析

在政党政治时代,执政合法性是任何执政党必然面对和必须重视的首要问题,也是执政党有效运作的首要条件,缺乏合法性即面临合法性危机,就会导致执政党执政权力的削弱甚至执政地位的丧失。     

欠发达地区农村基层党组织建设的困境与出路

必须以"三个代表"重要思想为指导,以战略眼光和全局性思维审视当前农村党建工作中的薄弱环节,找准病症的引发根源,统筹兼顾,创新农村基层党组织的设置方式和工作方式,不断增强党组织的凝聚力和战斗力.     

论科学规范党委与人大的关系

坚持和完善人民代表大会制度,科学规范党委与人民代表大会的关系,是党的执政能力建设的重要内容。弄清楚党委和人民代表大会的关系原理,探索实现科学规范党委和人民代表大会关系的理念和机制,这既有助于不断提高党的执政能力,真正做到"科学执政、民主执政、依法执政",又有利于充分发挥人民代表大会制度的作用,促进我国的社会主义政治文明建设有序进行。     

“九七”前后香港政党政治发展分析

在20世纪80年代前,由于英国对香港实施殖民地式统治,香港并没有类似西方国家盛行的民主政治,因此没有政党政治的存在。80年代以后,随着代议政制的推行,香港出现了政党政治。"九七"香港回归后,"一国两制"为香港的政党政治的发展提供了更大的政治空间,使香港的政党政治发展逐步趋向成熟。     

“上有政策,下有对策”作为错误行为的前提分析——关于一种纵向政治关系合理性的探讨

纵向政治关系是靠推行和执行政策来构成的,其合理性制约着政治的效能。“上有政策,下有对策”具有必然性、普遍性,但作为错误行为则是有条件的,实践中不加分析地给予全盘肯定或全盘否定都是有害的。要稳定政局,维系、发展、提升纵向政治关系,就必须确保纵向政治关系的合理性,特别是保证政策的合理性,尽可能防止或及时纠正政策的不合理性。     

Media Priming in a Multi-Party Context: A Controlled Naturalistic Study in Political Communication

This study investigates media priming effects in the context of a Summit meeting of European Union (EU) leaders. It differs in four ways from most previous non-experimental priming studies: (1) it provides survey data accompanied by a content analysis of the news, (2) it compares priming effects on evaluations of a number of political leaders, who differed in their visibility in the news, (3) it involves an issue with low salience, and (4) it studies priming effects in the context of a European Parliamentary democracy. The study involves a two-wave panel study (before and after the Summit) on a representative sample of 817 Dutch adults, and a content analysis of the newspaper and television news in the 8 weeks leading up to the Summit meeting. The study shows that media priming effects occur only for the politicians who appeared visible in the news in connection with the issue. The media priming effects were not significantly moderated by political attentiveness or by political knowledge. We also explore the aggregate level consequences of priming for the popularity of leaders, and demonstrate that, as a result of media priming, two politicians became more popular, despite having received a bad press.

Reluctant Coalitionists: The Conservative Party and the Establishment of the Coalition Government in May 2010

The Conservative party has been the real awkward partner in the Conservative‐Liberal Democrat coalition government because its backbench MPs have rebelled more frequently than their Liberal Democrat counterparts since May 2010. This reflected the fact that the Conservatives were reluctant coalitionists to begin with: they would have preferred to see a minority Conservative government, they had made far too many concessions to the Liberal Democrats, they had been bounced into accepting a coalition deal by a controlling party leadership, and they had lost out on those ministerial positions now held by Liberal Democrats. There was thus no great enthusiasm for the establishment of a coalition government with the Liberal Democrats in the parliamentary Conservative party in May 2010. Conservatives merely resigned themselves to an outcome which they had been given little opportunity to influence and which David Cameron had made it very difficult for them to reject.     

The electoral victory of the NPD in Saxony and the prospects for future extreme-right success in German elections

ABSTRACT

Largely because of Germany's traumatic experience of National Socialism, German extreme right-wing parties have remained a marginal post-war political phenomenon. The spectacular electoral victory of the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) in the Saxon parliamentary elections of September 2004 (9.2 per cent of the vote) nurtured the fear that a far-right party could establish itself at the national level. Backes explains the election victory by relating it to a set of Saxon and Eastern German circumstances. He demonstrates that unfavourable conditions, which have so far prevented the establishment of extreme right-wing parties at the national level, still prevail. Against this background, he shows that the NPD's capacity for taking advantage of advantageous conditions (like economic problems and xenophobia, rampant in some places) reaches its limits very quickly.