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991.
Martin Dolezal Laurenz Ennser‐Jedenastik Wolfgang C. Müller Anna Katharina Winkler 《European Journal of Political Research》2014,53(1):57-76
Saliency theory is among the most influential accounts of party competition, not least in providing the theoretical framework for the Comparative Manifesto Project – one of the most widely used data collections in comparative politics. Despite its prominence, not all empirical implications of the saliency theory of party competition have yet been systematically tested. This article addresses five predictions of saliency theory, the central claim of which is that parties compete by selective issue emphasis rather than by direct confrontation. Since a fair test of the theory's assumptions needs to rely on data that measures party issue saliency and party positions independently, this article draws on new manifesto data from the Austrian National Election Study (AUTNES). Analysing all manifestos issued for the 2002, 2006 and 2008 general elections, it shows that saliency theory correctly identifies some features of party competition. For instance, parties disproportionally emphasise issues they ‘own’. Yet, the core assumption of saliency theory that parties compete via selective issue emphasis rather than direct confrontation over the same issues fails to materialise in the majority of cases. 相似文献
992.
论健全完善党内法规体系 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
韩强 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2014,(6):28-35
要提高党内法规建设的科学化水平,必须"形成完善的党内法规体系",实现党内法规的规范化系统化。对全党来说,当前必须结合党的十八届四中全会决定,深刻认识健全党内法规体系的必要性和紧迫性,着力完善党内法规体系、严格实施体系、严密监督体系和领导保障体系,同时更加注重党内法规体系的科学规划,以条例建设为重点,注重党规和国法的有机衔接,加强党内法规的理论研究,使党内法规体系更加健全完善、运行有效。 相似文献
993.
高校党建与人才培养工作既有同一性,又有差异性。它们在工作目标、工作任务、工作对象、工作内容和工作效果上一致,但在所属范围和工作侧重点上又有所不同,其工作主体也存在包含与被包含的关系。高校党建是人才培养工作的核心,人才培养效果彰显党建工作水平。二者互相支撑、互为动力,工作中相互促进。 相似文献
994.
ASSANA DIAWARA 《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(1):45-45
正ON October 10,2013,the Chinese ambassador to Mali hosted a party at the embassy for the media workers who would soon head for China for a training program.The reception hall was fronted by a giant group photo of President Modibo Keita with China’s late leader Mao Zedong,reminding us of the two countries’cooperation in the late 60s and early 70s.In those days,Malian students studied Quotations from Chairman Mao and eagerly read the publications of New China.The two great leaders died within one year of one another,in 1977 and 相似文献
995.
中国共产党一贯重视文风建设。在新的历史时期,必须从党的建设高度深刻认知党的文风建设的重要性,多管齐下,标本兼治,积极倡导"短、实、新"的优良文风。 相似文献
996.
马乙玉 《中共山西省委党校学报》2014,(5):41-43
大学生党员教育培训作为新形势下党建工作的重要组成部分,必须与时俱进、凸显价值功能。当前,大学生党员教育培训工作仍然存在一些问题和不足,如缺乏长效机制、内容和形式创新不够等。为此,高校要树立可持续发展的教育培训理念,突出教育培训的科学性、创新性、民主性和参与性,建立有效的评价和协同创新机制,切实提升大学生党员的教育培训水平。 相似文献
997.
中共福建省南平市委编办课题组 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2014,(1):50-54
提升党员干部执行力是我党执政能力建设的重要一环。当前党员干部执行力仍存在执行主体较薄弱、政策制定还不够科学民主、组织体制机制运行还不顺畅以及组织环境与文化氛围仍需优化等问题。致力于打造阳光健康型的组织、建设一支宏大的高素质干部队伍等,则是提升党员干部执行力的有效对策。 相似文献
998.
ŞEBNEM YARDIMCI‐GEYİKÇİ 《The Political quarterly》2014,85(4):445-453
One year on from the widespread protests in Turkey, the question of why small environmental protests against the building of a shopping mall on Gezi Park in the centre of Istanbul turned into the biggest example of mass civil movement in the republic's history remains unanswered. This article suggests that one can easily detect signs of instability and social unrest in the country long before these mass demonstrations took place. By analysing the evolution of the Turkish party system over the past decade, I argue that the political upheaval in the country is the result of a crisis of representation. This has two aspects: a high degree of polarisation has left certain segments of society unrepresented, while the AKP government has ceased to maintain the balance between responsiveness and responsibility. 相似文献
999.
IVOR GABER 《The Political quarterly》2014,85(4):471-479
This article takes as its starting point the attack on the late Ralph Miliband, the left‐wing intellectual and father of the current Labour leader Ed Miliband, by the Daily Mail in late 2013. It argues that this attack was a response by the Mail to its failed campaign to dub the Labour leader ‘Red Ed’. The article demonstrates that ever since Miliband won the Labour leadership in 2009, the Mail has sought to ‘other’ him by presenting him as ‘alien’—this by constant references to his Jewish background, his upbringing in a wealthy North London intellectual milieu, his supposed extreme left‐wing views and his ineffable ‘oddness’—at least, an oddness as characterised by the newspaper. The paper will conclude by asking why the Daily Mail's ‘Red Ed’ moniker failed to catch on, while noting that their ‘Odd Ed’ moniker seems to have had more resonance. 相似文献
1000.
This article looks at the legacy of ‘Berlusconism’ for Italian politics. On the right, we identify a process of fragmentation. As a result of the personalised leadership of Silvio Berlusconi, where loyalties and ties were to il cavaliere as an individual rather than to a party or a political tradition, there is little by way of legacy on the right. Surprisingly, we find that Berlusconi's greatest legacy lies on the left of Italian politics, in the figure of Matteo Renzi. In his savvy manipulation of the media and in the careful construction of his own image, accompanied by a non‐ideological set of political slogans, Renzi has gone even further than Berlusconi. As a result, he may be the one to final bury Italian ‘party government’ and all its associated traditions and ideals. 相似文献