切实加强党对社会建设的领导：政党社会功能视角

中国共产党是中国社会建设的领导力量,就如何科学发挥其对社会建设的领导作用,本文从政党社会功能视角,从政党发展的一般规律,中国共产党的特殊性,结合十八大精神进行了讨论。     

试论东固革命根据地党的建设

东固革命根据地在党的思想建设、作风建设和党的领导干部队伍建方面有着丰富的实践。马克思主义的广泛传播,地方优秀历史文化的传承,青年知识分子为主体的领导干部结构,形成了东固革命根据地党的建设与众不同的特色。其时,左的严重错误也给东固革命根据地党的建设带来了破坏性影响。     

运用党史资源开展干部教育培训的思考

中国共产党的辉煌历史是中华民族极其宝贵的精神财富,是推进中国特色社会主义伟大事业和党的建设新的伟大工程的重力量源泉。在世情、国情、党情发生深刻变化的情况下,加强党史教育,用党的伟大成就激励人,成功经验启迪人,历史教训警示人,使广大党员干部以史为鉴,继往开来,是摆在我们面前亟待研究解决的紧迫问题。把党史纳入干部教育培训的必修课,从历史中总结经验,汲取教训,提高领导水平和执政能力,是推进全面建成小康社会的有力举措。     

也论仲裁第三人制度

目前部分仲裁较发达的国家和国际仲裁机构已经试行了仲裁第三人程序.而我国对于仲裁第三人制度的立场当前正处在徘徊中,部分仲裁机构曾进行过实践,但是现在又放弃了改革.司法实践中曾意图构建该制度,但是迄今尚未完成.而我国的《合同法》、《民法通则》、《公司法》、《保险法》等法律中已有仲裁协议扩展的立法和理论基础,因此,可以在此基础上构建我国的仲裁第三人制度.     

提高执政能力必须注重文化建党

注重文化建党既是党的历代领导集体一以贯之的重要思想 ,又是新的历史条件对我们党提出的新课题。以创新精神解决文化建党在新世纪面临的一系列重要问题 ,是加强党的执政能力建设的重要途径之一。     

从2018年地方选举看俄罗斯左翼政党发展态势

俄罗斯地方选举的结果往往能够反映出俄罗斯的政治社会形势、中央地方关系的变化情况以及精英的流动和发展状况,对国家杜马选举甚至俄罗斯总统选举都有一定的影响。2018年俄地方选举呈现出不同以往的特点,普京支持的“统一俄罗斯”党不仅失去多个地区的领导权,在地区立法机构的席位也大幅缩水。相比之下,俄罗斯联邦共产党则取得了不错的竞选成绩,在所有参选地区的得票率都有所提升,大幅提高了在地区立法机构中的席位占比。但是由于政治当局的打压、左翼政党内部的分裂和俄罗斯联邦共产党自身的发展局限,俄罗斯左翼政党在短期内依然无法与强大的政权党抗衡。不断进行理论创新、加强党的自身建设、联合其他左翼政党和爱国力量,才是俄罗斯左翼政党复兴的长远之计。     

Electoral infidelity: Why party members cast defecting votes

Party politics and electoral research generally assume that party members are loyal voters. This article first assesses the empirical basis for this assumption before providing individual‐level explanations for defection. It combines prominent theories from party politics and electoral behaviour research and argues that internal disagreement and external pressure can each bring about disloyal voting. The hypotheses are motivated with multi‐country European survey data and tested on two sets of party‐level national surveys. The results show, first, that, on average, 8 per cent of European party members cast a defecting vote in the last election, and second, that dissatisfaction with the leadership is the strongest predictor of defection. Additionally, internal ideological disagreement is associated with higher probabilities of defection, whereas the effects of pull factors in the form of contentious policies are rather limited. These findings emphasise the importance of testing scientific assumptions and the potential significance of party leadership contests.     

Electoral volatility and parties’ ideological responsiveness

For a number of decades now, scholars have been indicating that ties between citizens and parties are eroding. As a consequence, electoral behaviour has become more volatile and also more unpredictable. The consequences of this process of change on parties’ strategic behaviour have, however, received little attention. In this article, the impact of dealignment on parties’ strategic behaviour is examined, with the focus being on the extent to which parties are responsive to the mean voter. The expectation of dealignment allowing parties ‘to move around more freely’ leads to the hypothesis that parties are more responsive in a context of dealignment. The analyses provide evidence that is in line with this expectation. Ideological responsiveness is conditioned by the level of volatility in the electorate. The conclusion to draw from these results is that dealignment, which profoundly affects voters’ behaviour, leads parties to become more responsive to the mean voter.     

Sleaze or clear blue water?: the evolution of corporate and pressure group representation at the major UK party conferences

There has been growing academic and public interest in corporate political lobbying in both the UK and EU in recent years. In Britain, links between politicians and commercial interests have been one of the areas examined by the Committee on Standards in Public Life (‘the Nolan Committee’ and now ‘the Neill Committee’). A visible but under‐researched aspect of political lobbying by firms and other groups is the range of activities that take place at annual party conferences. An exhaustive study of these activities at the three main British party conferences between 1994–97 is reported, covering the period from Tony Blair's first appearance as party leader to the aftermath of the 1997 General Election. There is clear growth of visible lobbying, particularly at the Labour conferences, over the period leading up to the election, and a dropping off in 1997; particularly at the Conservative conference. The implications of the results for organisations, and particularly for public affairs practitioners, are considered. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications     

中国共产党提高党建科学化水平理论与实践的历史回顾

提高党的建设科学化水平是无产阶级政党建设的奋斗目标,是以科学发展观为指导的新的党建观产生的标志。改革开放以来,每次党的全国代表大会总书记的报告、历次党章的修改以及每次专门讨论党的建设问题的中央全会,见证了党建科学化水平不断提高的历程。提高党建科学化水平的历史经验是,认清党的历史方位,明确党建总目标是逻辑起点,解放思想、实事求是是动力源泉,党建推进模式的转变是重要着力点,党内民主是必由之路。