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181.
从一个国际视角来看,“中国梦”与世界的和平发展有着密切联系.“中国梦”的提出不仅对中华民族的复兴和中国的外交事业发展有着重大的指导意义,而且对推动世界和平发展产生重大影响,其实现也离不开一个有利的国际环境.当前,“中国梦”的实现正处于重要战略机遇期,国际环境中既有诸多挑战,也存在很多机遇.为此,中国未来的外交事业应当顺应世界潮流,结合自身现实,积极调整规划战略,为“中国梦”的实现打造一个有利的国际环境.  相似文献   
182.
科学发展观的第一要义是发展。从性质、规律、社会、世界、动力和实质六大维度解读科学发展观的第一要义,对于全面把握第一要义的科学内涵,深刻认识发展的决定性意义,有力增强贯彻落实科学发展观的自觉性和坚定性,具有重要的意义。  相似文献   
183.
Lack of trust has been widely used as an explanation for the failure of peace negotiations. However, we know little about how mistrust can be reduced between belligerents involved in negotiating peace. Why are some confidence‐building strategies more successful than others? For theory‐building purposes, this article explores how a party can send conciliatory signals to the other party that increase trust by exposing itself to three different kinds of political risks. More specifically, it compares the variables that reduced mistrust — or failed to reduce mistrust — during two peace negotiations in Sri Lanka: in 1994–1995 and in 2002. Using a theoretical framework that combines social psychology and rational choice approaches, this article examines the communicative signaling process between the parties. In addition, by drawing out the implications from this argument, we offer some insight into why the peace process in Sri Lanka became politically stalemated in 2003. We also use our comparison of Sri Lanka's peace processes to develop general propositions about the dynamics that can reduce mistrust. The main proposition that remains to be tested empirically is whether obstacles to peace can be transformed into important catalysts for the reduction of mistrust.  相似文献   
184.
群体性事件是在当前转型期社会出现的现象,也是党和政府面对的并必须采取切实有效措施来解决的问题。群体性事件发生的原因很多,作为政府职能部门的公安机关在处理过程中应采取和平的方法和策略。文化作为软权力,在和平处理群体性事件中可以发挥重要的作用,其作用不仅表现在处理策略的把握上,还体现在和事件参与者沟通的方法上。  相似文献   
185.
中国倡导国际关系民主化的重大战略意义   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
经济全球化和世界多极化发展,呼唤和催生国际关系民主化,同时,实现国际关系民主化也是当前大多数国家在国际关系中追求的价值取向。当前影响和平与发展的不确定因素依然存在,要从根本上解决这些问题必须通过实现国际关系民主化这一途径来加以解决。实现国际关系民主化目标是一个长期的渐进过程,应该从道义和舆论、双边或多边外交关系和国际制度建设三个层面加以推进。这一思想无论是在理论领域丰富和发展中国国际战略思想,还是在维护世界和平、促进发展、提高中国的国际地位、改善和发展我国的对外关系等实践中都具有非常重要的战略意义。  相似文献   
186.
Since the end of the 1980s, both the incidence and severity of violent conflicts and of domestic and international wars have declined globally. These declines are attributable to the convergence of many developments that help prevent, limit, and stop large-scale violence, and the author suggests that those developments persist. Consequently, he suggests that the recent U.S. engagement in wars and recent surges in terrorist attacks are limited spikes in violence that can be overcome. The author discusses how the current violent events may be in part a consequence of behaviors of the U.S. government and other governmental and nongovernmental organizations that are contrary to the major developments that contribute to global peace and cooperation. Governments and peoples acting in concert with those ongoing changes can help reduce the current mass violence.  相似文献   
187.
This article deals with peace-building activities in the context of the intractable conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. Scores of people-to-people projects were conducted after the September 1993 signing of the Oslo peace accords, but these projects did not seem to prevent the collapse of the peace process and the re-emergence of severe violence between the sides in late September 2000. However, evidence from the field indicates that peace-building activities are still continuing. This article will describe peace-building activities both before and after September 2000, discuss their effectiveness, and define their relevance in the ongoing violent conflict between the sides.  相似文献   
188.
二战以后建立的联合国及其安理会,为使后世免遭“惨不堪言之战祸”,创设了“维持和平行动”。五十余年来,它在维护世界和平与安全方面发挥了不可替代的作用。然而,维和行动就像一把双刃剑,在维护和平、安全与人权的同时,也存在着侵犯人权的隐患与现实问题。本文以国际刑法为视角对此问题进行了分析,进而提出了强化维和行动中人权保护的几点思考。  相似文献   
189.
当前的治安行政处罚存在问题比较多,困惑也不少。其中主要有法律依据不足的问题,也有公安机关执法方面存在偏差的问题。那么如何去规范和统一呢?一方面需要立法机关加以解决;另一方面要求公安民警提高治安行政执法水平和能力。  相似文献   
190.
Victor Kattan 《圆桌》2015,104(3):297-305
With the re-election of Likud leader Benjamin Netanyahu for another four-year term as prime minister of Israel there is a real danger that the peace process has reached an irrevocable impasse. It is argued that bold moves must be considered by the international community to breathe life back into the peace process. To coax Netanyahu into negotiations real pressure must be brought to bear on his government to respect the international consensus on Palestinian statehood and to halt settlement activity in occupied territory. To coax the Palestinian leadership back into a negotiation process with Israel, membership in the Commonwealth should be considered as a stepping stone to membership in the United Nations, to be followed by Israel’s membership in the Commonwealth—but on condition that Israel agrees to abide by international law, and respect the international consensus on the two-state solution, completely freeze settlement activity, including in East Jerusalem, and on condition that Palestine agrees to enter into final status negotiations with Israel to conclude a peace treaty to resolve all remaining disputes.  相似文献   
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