当代西方国家的市场经济与监狱生产经营

在西方国家,监狱生产经营与市场经济、资本主义制度相伴而生.随着市场经济由一元调节到二元调节再到三元调节的发展完善,监狱生产经营也经历了从自由、受限到规范的发展过程.在国家的干预调停规范扶持下,监狱生产经营终于妥善地处理了与市场的关系问题.     

浅探二十一世纪我国政府运行模式的转变

西方各国在上个世纪末的二十年展开了一场轰轰烈烈的政府改革运动,相对于以往的政府治理来说无论是理论上还是实践上都取得了长足的进展,这对于我国政府改革是一个重要的启示。本文就我国政府运行的观念、运行的过程及运行的结果三个方面谈谈新公共管理对我国转变政府运行理念的启迪。     

元代司法运作机制之研究

元朝作为中国古代封建王朝之一,在法律制度上具有自己特殊结构,主要是其法律渊源构成上是以判例法为主,成文法为辅。这种法律结构对元朝司法运作机制产生了重要影响。元朝民事和刑事审判中在法律适用上体现出了自己特有的机制。从元朝具体的司法运作机制来看,元朝的法律体现出了中国古代社会特有的司法运作机制和元朝的时代特点。     

论警察实战指挥能力的培养

警察实战指挥是紧急警务的现场处置能力的核心,指挥员是指挥的主体,提高指挥员的指挥能力是新时期警务工作的要求。要提高实战指挥员应有的素质,应充分了解指挥能力的实质及形成规律,确保实战指挥训练的合理性和有效性。     

犯罪分类的观念与形态

刑法学注重事后合理的定罪量刑,表现在犯罪分类上,主要以行为性质展开,关注的是行为的法益侵害属性,竭力表述不同性质的行为在具体犯罪构成上的区别;犯罪学注重揭示犯罪原因、强调事前犯罪预防,表现在犯罪分类上,主要展示犯罪原因与犯罪预防个别特征的犯罪人的类型;同时关注说明犯罪人人格特征的行为类型。在法律规范的框架内,刑事近代学派的思想只是一种观念的引导,它的刑法学意义必须通过刑法规范的形式,转化成具体的技术方法;尽管思想为根、为本,但是技术为体、为形;并且,若是缺乏了技术操作,则无所谓刑法。     

土地承包经营权制度的行为有效性分析

土地承包经营权制度是国家保障农民土地承包权益的重要举措,从法治角度考察其实效情况,可分析行为有效部分。对土地承包经营权制度的行为有效性的分析共选取了三个方面:农民的土地承包经营权权利意识情况、土地承包经营权的行使情况、土地承包经营权的实现情况。在此基础上得出土地承包经营权制度行为有效性的结论和建议。     

论经营型夫妻共同债务的认定与清偿

通过对95件类案的分析可以发现,《民法典》第1064条规定的“共同生产经营”型夫妻共同债务的认定标准与清偿规则并不清晰,尚待明确。经营型夫妻共同债务的认定应以共同参与为标准。共同参与的表现形式包括共同投资、一方投资一方参与经营等。基于简化法律关系与提升清偿效率的考量,经营型共债的清偿规则,应先以夫妻共同财产清偿,不足部分由举债方的个人财产承担,非举债方以个人财产代为清偿的,可在法定财产制结束时向举债方追偿。     

Parliamentary control of CSDP: the case of the EU's fight against piracy off the Somali coast

Parliamentary involvement remains a key tool for the democratic control of executive policies. This article explores the web of parliamentary involvement in decision-making on European Union (EU) military operations, using insights gained in an in-depth case study on the EU's anti-piracy mission Atalanta. We find that parliaments at all levels became involved only after key political decisions had already been made. At the member state level, we find highly uneven involvement with only some parliaments being very well informed and closely monitoring, if not influencing government policy. The European Parliament became active only after the launch of the mission but then scrutinised it intensely, profiting (in contrast to national parliaments) from its access to top military officials and key decision-makers. Finally, transnational parliamentary assemblies as well as more informal networks provided opportunities to transmit information across the boundaries of individual parliaments and party-groups thus potentially enhancing the ability of parliamentarians to scrutinise government policies.     

Female Peacekeepers and Gender Balancing: Token Gestures or Informed Policymaking?

Since the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 (2000), which is referenced in most of the mandates for peacekeeping authorizations and renewals as of its adoption, UN peacekeeping forces have begun a process of gender balancing. While we have seen an increase in the numbers of female peacekeepers during the decade 2000–2010 and variation in the distribution patterns of female military personnel, we do not know if female military peacekeepers are deploying to areas that are safest or to areas with the greatest need for gender-balanced international involvement. Because the decision-making authority in the allocation of peacekeeping forces rests with the troop-contributing countries, which might not have bought into the gender balancing and mainstreaming initiatives mandated by the UN Security Council, we propose and find evidence that female military personnel tend to deploy to areas where there is least risk. They tend not to deploy where they may be most needed—where sexual violence and gender equity has been a major problem—and we find only a modest effect of having specific language in the mandates related to gender issues.     

List of Contributors

The emergence of regional parliamentary assemblies (RPAs) in Africa has been on the ascendancy since the mid-twentieth century. The essence of these parliaments is to contribute to regional economic and political integration through oversight, legislation and representation. However, the ability of Africa's RPAs to perform these functions has been challenged by institutional and legal factors. Using five regional parliaments (the East African Legislative Assembly, the Economic Community of West African States Parliament, the Inter-Parliamentary Union of Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the Pan-African Parliament and the South African Development Community Parliamentary Forum) as case studies, this paper examines the impact of these challenges on the functionality and viability of Africa's RPAs. It finds that given that these parliaments lack legitimacy of authority and enabling status of operation, they exist merely as deliberative, consultative and advisory bodies rather than independent organs of regional economic communities with full legislative and oversight powers. Consequently, the paper recommends, among other things, the amendment of their constitutive acts to grant them full legislative and oversight functions, and the election of their members by universal adult suffrage in order to give them legitimacy of authority.