对口回归区域 支援走向合作——应急性对口支援机制发展趋势探析

2009年,我国汶川灾后对口支援实施以来,有关其长效化运作的问题受到学界关注。作为一种应急性对口支援机制,汶川灾后对口支援运作还存在启动动力不足、运行过程不稳、退出环节缺失等局限。援建期满后,汶川灾后对口支援须摆脱短期效应的困境,重新理清思路和调整布局,走符合应急性对口支援机制和未来发展趋势的区域合作之路。     

论《刑法修正案（八）》中的人体器官犯罪

在《刑法修正案（八）》颁布之前,对非法买卖人体器官行为以非法经营罪加以认定,可以说是在法律未对非法买卖人体器官犯罪加以明确规定的情况下司法机关所采取的权宜之计。《刑法修正案（八）》对人体器官犯罪的规制,有助于从根本上惩治人体器官犯罪,强化刑法对民生的保护。《刑法修正案（八）》第37条所规定的人体器官犯罪涵盖了组织出卖人体器官罪、故意伤害罪、故意杀人罪和盗窃、侮辱尸体罪等四种犯罪。作为人体器官犯罪的对象,人体器官既包括活体器官,也涵盖尸体器官,但不包括同属人体材料的人体组织和人体细胞。在＂摘取未满18周岁的人的器官＂的场合,只有在行为人明知被害人未满18周岁的情况下才能认定故意的成立。《刑法修正案（八）》未将单位规定为人体器官犯罪的主体,且在对精神病人人体器官的特殊保护方面处于缺位状态,这实属立法缺憾。     

高校大学生志愿服务体系存在的问题及其优化

高校大学生是我国青年志愿服务组织中的一支重要力量,其志愿者主体身份、志愿服务组织运行和项目建设等体现出一定的特殊性,从而使得高校大学生志愿服务体系组织者、运行机制、项目建设等方面存在相应的问题,并造成服务体系的内部要素冲突。优化大学生志愿服务体系,需要有针对性地解决这些问题。     

中国共产党制度资源系统的层次架构与运作模式

制度是一个由不同要素构成的系统,绝不仅仅是一些规则的集成与组合。要对中国共产党制度资源系统有一个较为全面的把握,就要求我们从静态和动态两个方面对其加以审视,即一方面从静态上把握制度资源系统的层次架构,另一方面从动态上把握制度系统是如何运作的,并在此基础上把握中国共产党制度资源系统有效运作的要求。     

The West’s Policeman? Assessing Italy’s Status in Global Peacekeeping

ABSTRACT

Since the 1960s, and especially the 1980s, Italy has participated in and led numerous peace support operations (PSOs), predominantly under the aegis of international organisations. Italy’s participation in PSOs authorised by the UN, the EU, NATO and other multilateral agreements stems from a combination of national interest and humanitarianism/multilateralism. However, although acknowledged as a significant contributor, a clear assessment of its status in global peacekeeping is still missing. In fact, Italy plays a role that is comparatively greater than all Western nations in the international fora taken into account, and, as such, can be described as ‘the West’s policeman’, from both a quantitative (number of troops) and qualitative (role within the missions) perspective. This might be somewhat curbed in the future, however, due to some of the country’s limitations on foreign policy.     

Reevaluating Peacekeeping Effectiveness: Does Gender Neutrality Inhibit Progress?

Since the adoption of UNSCR 1325, more female peacekeepers are participating in peacekeeping missions than ever before. Nevertheless, the current literature on peacekeeping effectiveness is largely gender neutral, discounting the unique role female peacekeepers may play in peacekeeping operations. This article addresses this missing piece in the literature by assessing how female peacekeepers and locals view the role of women in peacekeeping operations. Using interviews and focus groups conducted with peacekeepers in the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and original surveys conducted in Liberian communities, it finds that there is an “access gap” that prevents female peacekeepers from fully contributing to the mission’s operations and therefore prevents the peacekeeping mission from reaching its full potential. The findings have broader implications for how to improve peacekeeping missions’ effectiveness moving forward.     

Female Peacekeepers and Gender Balancing: Token Gestures or Informed Policymaking?

Since the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 (2000), which is referenced in most of the mandates for peacekeeping authorizations and renewals as of its adoption, UN peacekeeping forces have begun a process of gender balancing. While we have seen an increase in the numbers of female peacekeepers during the decade 2000–2010 and variation in the distribution patterns of female military personnel, we do not know if female military peacekeepers are deploying to areas that are safest or to areas with the greatest need for gender-balanced international involvement. Because the decision-making authority in the allocation of peacekeeping forces rests with the troop-contributing countries, which might not have bought into the gender balancing and mainstreaming initiatives mandated by the UN Security Council, we propose and find evidence that female military personnel tend to deploy to areas where there is least risk. They tend not to deploy where they may be most needed—where sexual violence and gender equity has been a major problem—and we find only a modest effect of having specific language in the mandates related to gender issues.