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91.
鲁迅有极深的绝望体验和幽暗意识,日本学者称之为舍斯托夫体验。在鲁迅具体表现为:死亡意识、忏悔与赎罪意识、中间物意识和过客精神等。面对人性的幽暗面,鲁迅不是被动承受,而是主动担当,浸没于黑暗中开始呐喊,严厉批判别人,更严厉解剖自己。他以整个生命扑过去,把自己烧在里面。鲁迅这种精神气质,主要是受到舍斯托夫等基督教作家和希伯来精神影响所致。  相似文献   
92.
This article examines a neglected but fundamental facet of electoral accountability: responsibility attribution under grand coalition governments. Contrary to much of the existing literature that focuses on retrospective voting, this article focuses on responsibility attribution testing the effect of perceived performance of the government and partisan attachments for parties in grand coalition governments. Novel survey questions on responsibility attribution from Austria and Germany show that when the lines of responsibility are blurred, partisanship functions as an important heuristic for all voters including supporters of opposition parties. These findings have important implications for our understanding of electoral accountability and political representation in grand coalition governments.  相似文献   
93.
Research on the deterrent effects of punishment falls into two categories: macro‐level studies of the impact of aggregate punishment levels on crime rates, and individual‐level studies of the impact of perceived punishment levels on self‐reported criminal behavior. For policy purposes, however, the missing link—ignored in previous research—is that between aggregate punishment levels and individual perceptions of punishment. This paper addresses whether higher actual punishment levels increase the perceived certainty, severity, or swiftness of punishment. Telephone interviews with 1,500 residents of fifty‐four large urban counties were used to measure perceptions of punishment levels, which were then linked to actual punishment levels as measured in official statistics. Hierarchical linear model estimates of multivariate models generally found no detectable impact of actual punishment levels on perceptions of punishment. The findings raise serious questions about deterrence‐based rationales for more punitive crime control policies.  相似文献   
94.
Do resources available to regulatory agencies matter for public perceptions of social risks? In this paper we use the case of food safety in China to empirically examine the relationship between regulatory resources and risk concerns. The multilevel model estimates suggest that neither regulatory revenue nor personnel is significantly related to public concerns over food safety. There is also no significant interaction effect between regulatory resources and food scandals. Despite the fact that sufficient fiscal revenue and manpower are the prerequisites of effective food safety regulation, they do not elicit more favorable public perceptions. These are the two missing links leading to the insignificant effect of regulatory resource inputs. First, ineffective distribution and deployment of resources and the lack of external participation retard the growth of regulatory capacity. Second, underinvestment in risk communication and the amplification effect of risks undermine regulatory legitimacy. We discuss the theoretical and policy implications of the results, and conclude with research limitations and suggestions for future research.  相似文献   
95.
重新犯罪风险评估是罪犯出监前和社区矫正前的重要环节。重新犯罪风险评估中的难题是如何选取预测效度高的指标。提出重新犯罪风险评估模型,引入内隐联想测验方法,并指出犯罪人刑满释放前的敌意态度、特定的人格特征、犯罪风险知觉、社会适应性,可能是预测重新犯罪风险的良好指标。  相似文献   
96.
劳伦斯·布鲁姆在针对"基于不偏不倚或任何原则之上的伦理"存在的缺陷进行的批评过程中,形成了他的道德感知与特殊性的理论,这一理论不但弥补了超验伦理学存在的某些理论缺陷,而且对我们追求确定性的道德认知和道德实践等都具有重要的启示。  相似文献   
97.
Abstract

This action research and general system theory based qualitative inquiry examined adolescents' dependence on predicting the behavior of their peers as a strategy for enhancing their sense of safety at school and avoiding violence. A total of 95 adolescents in 9th through 12th grades from two small rural schools and one large suburban school in New York State participated in the study. Results indicated that students depend on Peer Predictability to feel safe during the school day when adults fail to predictably supervise or intervene in areas or interactions which adolescents perceive as potentially threatening. Familiarity leading to predictability allowed students to evaluate peers for the possibility of emotional or physical violence. This article presents quotes from the students that capture their unique experience.  相似文献   
98.
目的对言语特征进行研究,扩大声纹鉴定的应用范围。方法分析当前声纹鉴定的技术方法,汇总听辨结合的几种方法,找出听辨结合的关键点。结果对以往的鉴定经验和教训进行归纳总结,改进现有的鉴定模式和理念,使其贴近实战、贴近案件需求。  相似文献   
99.
Research on voting behavior has been reinvigorated by focusing on citizens' certainty of candidates' issue positions and ideological orientations. According to this perspective, citizens are inclined to support candidates whom they are confident possess attributes they deem important. Analysis of citizens' perceptual certainty and perceptual accuracy of 1994, 1996, and 1998 House candidates' ideological orientations reveals that many candidate characteristics (incumbency, fiscal resources) that enhance certainty fail to improve perceptual accuracy. The electoral consequence of this fact is that candidates endowed with these resources benefit from the importance of certainty to citizens without paying the electoral costs of clarifying their issue positions and ideological orientations. Similarly, several characteristics of citizens that lead to certainty reduction—gender and caring about the outcome of the election, for example—fail to improve perceptual accuracy. The implications of the empirical findings for the role of citizens' assessments of certainty in the voting decision for producing an informed electorate are considered here.  相似文献   
100.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):144-166
This article examines the negative role that actors' perceptual limitations play in civil war peace negotiation by reviewing the Sino-Khmer Rouge interplay during the Cambodian peace negotiations (1987–1993). The study contends that China continually failed to challenge the Khmer Rouge's negotiation strategies, which were founded on the faction's flawed understanding of its situation. Moreover, the inadequate communication between China and its client faction and the Khmer Rouge's lack of institutions for obtaining and analyzing information are identified as the two main reasons for the failure of Chinese intervention.  相似文献   
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