To Live Outside the Law: Frank O'Hara

This essay reflects on the New York School poet Frank O'Hara in terms of the idea of law. I suggest that art depends on a notion of an immanent law: that for language to become artistic is to become a meaningful part of an order which announces its autonomy from the surrounding world. O'Hara exploits this fact by making the most unlikely pieces of language into poetry, and thus giving the law to the life from which his words are taken. But he is also constantly improvising his own rules of art, drawing the law of poetry from the whim of the moment in radically individualist fashion. The gamble of O'Hara's writing is that the reader will submit to this profoundly personal law for the duration of a poem. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

民法典应如何安排人格权制度

应如何规定人格权 ,是我国制定民法典中的问题之一。人格权关系属于基本的民事法律关系 ,应当“入典”;然而 ,人格权关系在权利的得失变更方面 ,与其他民事法律关系又有区别 ,因此不宜“独立成编”。     

个人信息的刑法保护探析

个人信息对个人生活和发展有重要意义,随着信息技术的普及,个人信息流动为社会带来了巨大的福祉,但也使个人信息容易被侵犯,我国刑法将侵犯个人信息的行为入罪化。本文对首先探讨侵犯个人信息行为入罪化的理由,指出我国现行刑法规定还存在不足,并提出了完善我国刑法规定的建议。     

反信息公开诉讼规则探析——兼析《最高人民法院关于审理政府信息公开行政案件若干问题的规定》之相关规定

反信息公开诉讼,从信息公开制度衍生而来,在很多方面不同于信息公开诉讼。界定反信息公开诉讼,明确其制度依据,探析其举证责任、审理方式、判决方式等诉讼规则,对我国政府信息公开制度乃至行政诉讼制度的理论和实践具有重大意义。     

论社会主义社会人的发展

人的发展包括自由、全面、充分、和谐四个方面。人的自由全面发展是社会主义本质要求的体现,它以生产力高度发展为前提和基础,以人的素质的提高为基本内容和现实步骤。     

中国区际属人法问题刍议

目前 ,中国已成为多元法制和多元法域的国家 ,现实已经导致了中国区际法律冲突的产生。区际属人法的确定是解决中国区际法律冲突的首要问题。区际属人法不能以国籍连结点来确定 ,而应以住所及惯常住所连结点来确定。解决区际属人法的冲突也就是解决住所及惯常住所连结点的积极冲突和消极冲突。     

收容遣送制度应予废止

收容遣送已演变成限制公民人身自由的行政强制措施和行政处罚措施。它违背了宪法基本原则 ,严重滞后于我国现状 ,应予废止。     

完善证人出庭作证机制

证人出庭作证 ,是现代对抗式诉讼模式的基本制度。我国刑事诉讼中证人不出庭作证 ,制约了刑事诉讼的发展。完善证人出庭作证制度 ,首先要确立对证人的人身保护制度 ,其次要规定证人拒绝出庭作证的法律制裁条款。     

在通向自我认同的途中——中国现当代女性写作的主体性变迁

五四至新时期女性写作中的主体性变迁呈现为自我发现、自我失落、自我寻找和自我建构的认同过程,这表明女性写作中的自我认同是一个连贯性和永恒性的命题,是对外在奴役的挣脱和主体自由的寻求,其意义在于自我行动的动力过程.     

The Italian Democratic Party from Merger to Personalism

Abstract

The Partito Democratico (PD) was born as an original Merger Party on the cusp of the economic crisis in October 2007. The party’s genesis and formative years were critical to the party’s failure to institutionalise around a new common ideology or vision, as a result of the persistence of two party souls which could not find unity. Rather than a genuinely ‘new’ reformist party, the PD resembled an organisational vehicle through which the two former parties could continue their struggle. This weakened the organisational nature of the PD and made it a candidate for takeover by a dominant, personal leader such as Matteo Renzi. He set about establishing a personal party whose existence has in many ways confirmed the failure, if not exhaustion, of the PD’s mission to become the reformist party of the majority.