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131.
礼仪是中国古代文明的一种符号,礼仪法是中华法文化的一个标志性内容,是华夏礼仪之邦有别于其他民族的显著特征。法律近代化过程中,中国古老文化与西方外来文化的冲突,首先是围绕着礼仪而展开的;文化冲撞后的维新与变法,也将旧礼仪的改造作为要务。传统的礼仪法文化承载着中华民族生生不息的民族精神、民族品格,也凝结着浓重的尊卑等级观念、封建迷信色彩,充斥着铺张、奢华的繁文缛节。取其精华,弃其糟粕,将有助于当今的礼仪文化的建设。 相似文献
132.
MATTHEW HALL 《The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice》2009,48(3):267-279
Abstract: This article examines victims of crime as the subject of policy making in the criminal justice system of England and Wales. The discussion draws on a series of qualitative interviews carried out with legal practitioners and court personnel at three criminal courts in the north of England, as well as representatives of relevant central government departments. These data are used to shed light on the process of implementing central government policy in the context of local criminal justice, with particular reference to the development of local governance in this area. 相似文献
133.
日本近代政党政治家原敬(1856—1921)的中国观具有典型的时代烙印,即\"适时适机\"地从中国牟取利权。同时,原敬的中国观亦有其独特的思维模式和见解:\"对清政略即对欧政略,对欧政略即护国政略。\"另一方面,原敬在这一时期已经将目光更多地转向日本资本主义在中国的经济利益。从重视经济利益和国际竞争的角度出发,原敬认为日本在外交上不能采取强硬的举措,要注意和中国官民\"友好相处\",在中国维持一种对日本而言比较和平的氛围。 相似文献
134.
Laurids S. Lauridsen 《Asian Politics & Policy》2009,1(3):409-434
What happens when developing countries can no longer grow by simply exploiting their existing comparative advantages in natural resources or cheap labor? When entering the 21st century Thailand was confronted with that question, but in comparison with other East Asian countries it was also a laggard in relation to industrial technology development. Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra placed industrial upgrading high on the policy agenda. This article combines a policy cycle analysis with a political analysis. It examines the ability and willingness of the Thaksin government to design and implement an adequate and coherent set of industrial upgrading policies with a particular emphasis on implementation issues. It is argued that although many initiatives were taken during the Thaksin era, they did not add up to an adequate and coherent set of industrial upgrading policies. This was partly due to institutional legacies in the bureaucratic system but mainly a result of the logic of politics, including the nature of political coalition‐building. 相似文献
135.
Although adolescents are commonly assumed to be rebellious, risky and moody, two experiments demonstrate for the first time that these beliefs operate both explicitly and implicitly as stereotypes. In Experiment 1, participants (a) explicitly endorsed adolescent stereotypes and (b) implicitly associated adolescent stereotyped words more rapidly with the adolescent than the adult social category. Individual differences in the explicit endorsement of adolescent stereotypes predicted explicit perceptions of the rebelliousness of a 17-year-old but not a 71-year-old, although individual differences in implicit stereotyping did not. Identification with adults was associated with greater implicit stereotyping but not explicit stereotyping. In Experiment 2, subliminal exposure to adolescent stereotyped words increased subsequent perceptions of the rebelliousness of a 17-year-old but not a 71-year-old. Although individual differences in implicit adolescent stereotyping did not predict explicit evaluations of adolescents, stereotypes of adolescents nevertheless influenced explicit evaluations unconsciously and unintentionally.
相似文献
| Curtis D. HardinEmail: |
136.
Philip E. Carlan 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2007,32(1-2):74-86
This study examines police job satisfaction and its association with general occupational attraction. Police officers from sixteen municipal departments (n = 1,114) across one southern state (Alabama) were found to possess moderate-high overall job satisfaction, with regression analysis supporting the conclusions of prior studies that demographics are of little value to understanding job satisfaction. The findings convey that 25% of job satisfaction variance can be explained from six variables (in order of importance): social contribution, pay, adventure/excitement, autonomy, peer respect, and job security. The importance of benefits and community respect was unsupported, as were partner and special operation assignments. The author concludes that a great portion of police satisfaction hinges on the realization of work environment expectations, and that departments must proactively construct policies to enhance fulfillment of officer aspirations. 相似文献
137.
The fight against organized crime has become a top security priority for the European Union (EU). While a new policy area is emerging, it is difficult to understand who is in lead and how the process develops. This article delves into the post-Lisbon EU security model, exploring how Washington and Brussels collaborate in combating organized crime in a context of changing definitions, actors and policies. It argues that US definitions, operational models and policies influence EU institutional thinking and policies, shifting the emphasis from prevention and rule of law to execution and intelligence. The dynamics of policy convergence and divergence on criminal matters in the transatlantic community reflect tectonic shifts in the deepest levels of thinking security in the West, affecting the moulding of a European security identity. 相似文献
138.
To understand resilience to climate and environmental changes in fragile and conflict-affected societies is particularly important but equally challenging. In this paper, we first develop a conceptual framework to explore the climate-fragility-conflict and climate-resilience-peace nexus. Second, we discuss approaches to promote pathways from climatic changes to peace. We draw on the relevant literature and International Alert's experience in fragile and conflict-affected societies to stress the key role of resilience. To build resilience, climate, development, peacebuilding, and government actors would have to overcome bureaucratic and institutional barriers and cooperate across thematic and regional silos. 相似文献
139.
Virinder Sharma Victor Orindi Ced Hesse James Pattison Simon Anderson 《Development in Practice》2014,24(4):579-590
Policies developed at national levels can be unresponsive to local needs. Often they do not provide the rural poor with access to the assets and services they need to allow them to innovate and adapt to the ways that increased climate variability and change exacerbate challenges to basic securities – food, water, energy, and well-being. In development deficit circumstances, common pool resources are important for climate adaptation purposes. In order for climate adaptation actions to deliver resilience, local perspectives and knowledge need to be recognised and given due priority in formal planning systems. Basing formal adaptive development planning on local strategies can support and strengthen measures that people have been tested and know to work. Local climate adaptation through collective action can address current increases in climate variability, future incremental changes, and the need to transform existing systems to deal with qualitative shifts in climate. These types of adaptation can work in cumulative ways. The results of local adaptation collective action that have benefits of low rivalry between users while being highly inclusive can be considered “local public goods”. Evidence is beginning to emerge that when local governance systems facilitate high levels of participation in planning collective action for climate adaptation, and direct access to resources for implementing local plans, “local public goods” can be created and common pool resources better managed. 相似文献
140.
Gorm Rye Olsen 《European Security》2014,23(3):290-306
The French intervention in Mali in early 2013 emphasizes that the decision-makers in Paris, Brussels, and Washington considered the establishment of the radical Islamist regime in Northern Mali a threat to their security interests. The widespread instability including the rise of radical Islamist groups in Somalia was perceived as a threat to western interests. It is the core argument of the paper if western powers decide to provide security in Africa, they will be inclined to use proxy instead of deploying own troops. Security provision by proxy in African means that African troops are doing the actual fighting and peacekeeping on the ground while western powers basically pay the costs, the logistics, and the training of local African troops. The paper concludes that the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) in Somalia and The African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) in Mali are proxies for the USA and the European Union. 相似文献