浅析突发事件处理中政府与媒体的沟通策略

在突发事件的处理过程中，政府部门能否成功与媒体沟通、把握舆论导向已经成为决定突发事件处理效果的关键因素。因此在突发事件的处理中，政府应该要掌握与媒体沟通的各种策略。主要体现为政府与媒体沟通中的信息掌控策略——主动提供；政府与媒体沟通中的信息处理策略——真实有效；政府与媒体沟通中的信息发布策略——及时渐进；政府与媒体沟通中的信息提供策略——口径一致；政府与媒体沟通中的信息表达策略——有人情味；政府与媒体沟通中的信息选择策略——勇于担当。     

跨文化交际意识及能力培养研究

随着全球化进程的加速推进,世界各国之间的交流合作也与日俱增,跨文化交际随之成为国际社会的一种迫切需要和共识。由此,大力培养学生的跨文化交际意识和能力就显得尤其重要和紧迫。     

正确理解群众路线与社会主义核心价值体系的关系

当前,在中国特色社会主义事业建设中,要提高我国的综合实力,就必须深入开展社会主义核心价值体系的学习和教育,并将群众路线贯彻其中。二者在本质上都是服务人民、联系群众,并且以实现社会主义价值理念为核心;群众路线在社会主义核心价值体系的学习教育和推广过程中得以丰富和发展;践行群众路线与社会主义核心价值体系的建设都是长期的过程,是曲折中前进的过程。     

El Mercurio Lies,and La Tercera Lies More. Political Bias in Newspaper Headlines in Chile, 1994–2010

In this article we examine the presence of bias in Chile's two main daily newspapers, El Mercurio and La Tercera, both of which have historically been associated with the political right. We analyse their principal headlines in the first 100 days of rule of presidents Eduardo Frei (1994–2000), Ricardo Lagos (2000–2006), Michelle Bachelet (2006–2010) and Sebastián Piñera (2010–2014). We find that La Tercera was more critical of all these presidents than El Mercurio. In La Tercera we also identify an ideological bias in favour of Piñera as compared to the centre‐left presidents, and in El Mercurio a greater bias against Bachelet than the other presidents.     

接受美学立体思维与思想政治教育

姚斯接受美学是以读者为中心的文学理论,"期待视野"是其核心概念。借鉴姚斯接受美学的立体思维方法对思想政治教育接受进行分析,思想政治教育接受呈现整体性、有机性、动态性的特征。优化思想政治教育接受应尊重接受主体的"期待视野",提高传导者的思想政治教育水平,重视接受介体的良性合力共建,强化对接受客体的把关。     

French engagement versus British commitment. Was it interlingual miscommunication or political manipulation?

ABSTRACT

The efforts undertaken to establish the contemporary European Union started many years earlier. The history of establishing a pan-European organization is interesting not only for historians and economists but also translators and linguists as it is the history of interlingual communication (negotiations and agreements). One such negotiation was allegedly ineffective due to the difference in understanding the French term engagement and its English equivalent employed by translators and interpreters, that is to say the English term commitment. The authors aim at presenting the political background of negotiations and the social semiotic analysis of the terms in question in order to provoke the reader to find the answer to the question whether the negotiation was broken due to interlingual miscommunication resulting from erroneously chosen equivalent or it was destined to failure from the very beginning due to socio-political and economic interests of negotiating parties. In order to achieve that goal, the authors have analysed notes exchanged between the governments of France and Great Britain in course of negotiation. The history of negotiation and the linguistic analysis are combined to illustrate the complexity of meaning construction and the semiotic implications of the contextual dependence of meanings of terms and their dynamic evolution in time and space.     

Lecture Versus Simulation: Testing the Long-Term Effects

Abstract

Active learning techniques are being use with increasing frequency in the classroom and more time is being dedicated to designing and implementing them. However, the literature still suffers from a lack of rigorous empirical methods to test the effects of simulations. Most of the claimed benefits of utilizing simulations, and other active learning techniques, are improved soft skills and higher order thinking like empathy, confidence, public-speaking abilities, and interpersonal skills—all of which don’t lend themselves well to scientific measurement. This gap in the literature is especially troubling considering that time spent using simulations is time not spent using other methods. This article seeks to test the differing impacts of simulations versus traditional lectures over the long-term using a simple 30-minute simulation and rigorous experimental methods. The most important results show that students learn more initially from a lecture, but that students who were exposed to the simulation were better able to retain that information over the long-term.     

Bricks in the wall: the politics of housing in Europe

Abstract

Housing has important economic, political, and social ramifications for Western Europe and beyond. Despite its importance in shaping economic and political outcomes, however, housing remains in the peripheral vision of major comparative political economy debates. This introduction to the special issue accomplishes four objectives. First it demonstrates how housing defies current political economy typologies by failing to conform to their theoretical and empirical predictions. Second it summarises the current state of housing research within political science, which still remains in its infancy. Third it highlights how the contributions in this special issue expand our understanding of how housing causes and is shaped by political and economic outcomes in Europe. Finally, this introduction concludes by outlining how the special issue contributions demonstrate housing’s importance for the welfare state, political preferences and electoral shifts, regulatory and redistributive policies, and financialisation and household indebtedness in Europe.     

Unity Without Totalitarianism: Tensions Within Normativity

Although he did not invent the term, Jürgen Habermas has popularised “constitutional patriotism” as a form of political unity that avoids excessive nationalism. This paper attempts to examine the link between emotivism and normativity that has otherwise been excluded from Habermas’s notion of constitutional patriotism. Beyond Habermas, political theory as a whole has not yet taken emotivism as a serious component of normativity. Rather than developing it in isolation, this paper attempts to reconcile emotivism with cognitive-normative practices found within rational deliberation. Reconciling the two not only provides a better normative steering component for judging good from bad practices, but also depicts contemporary political practices more accurately. In sum, constitutional patriotism’s normativity must be sourced from a complex integration of emotion and cognition, or put another way, from the interplay between citizens’ moral sentiments and rational judgements.