“怪圈”启示录——论中国政治体制改革与法制建设

我国经历的数次机构改革始终在“精简—膨胀—再精简—再膨胀”的“怪圈”中徘徊。作者在总结“怪圈”形成的原因和运行规律的基础上,提出了当前进行的政治体制改革本身具有不可逆转性;改革实践由于各种利益严重冲突、各类矛盾相互交织而具有了艰巨性;改革的过程由于缺乏法制规范而具有了随意性和不彻底性。据此,作者得出结论,走出政府机构改革的“怪圈”,必须依靠法制的强制力和规范的程序,将政治体制改革纳入到法制的轨道上来,实行依法改革。     

专业课教学中进行思想政治教育的可行性

在高校专业课教学过程中进行思想政治教育,是有效提高大学生思想政治素质的重要途径。然而,由于受到传统教育观念的影响,一些教师在专业课中进行思想政治教育还存在着认识上的误区。文章从教师存在的认识误区入手,分析了专业课与思想政治教育结合的必要性和可行性,并进一步探讨了两者结合的有效途径。     

中国近代两幕立宪活动的闹剧

在中国近代史上,曾经坚决反对立宪政治的封建顽固势力,为挽救摇摇欲坠的清王朝继续封建专制统治,以慈禧太后和袁世凯为代表的封建顽固势力,先后扯起立宪的大旗,中国政治似乎走上了现代化的道路,人们渴望立宪能把中国人民从封建专制中和帝国主义的压迫中解放出来。然而,立宪不过是封建顽固势力欺骗人民维护皇权复辟帝制的工具。中国人民的解放,中国政治的现代化,不仅仅是制定几布宪法,而是人民政治自由的实现。     

‘Fear and loathing across party lines’ (also) in Europe: Affective polarisation in European party systems

Several scholars in the United States have recently addressed an increased partisan animosity between Democrats and Republicans, and have termed this phenomenon ‘affective polarisation’. This surge in partisan affective polarisation is perceived to be highly problematic, as it has been found to have a negative impact on the functioning of the party system and even society at large. The aim of this article is to study the concept of affective polarisation in European party systems. It introduces the Affective Polarisation Index (API) that allows for measuring and comparing levels of affective polarisation also in multiparty systems. This novel measure is applied to 22 European democracies and the United States between 2005 and 2016. The results indicate that affective polarisation is acutely present in European party systems, as partisans are often extremely hostile towards competing parties. The most affectively polarised countries are in Central Eastern and Southern Europe where the degree of affective polarisation is notably higher than it is in the United States, while Northwestern European countries are more moderate in terms of partisan feelings. Further analysis reveals that affective polarisation is significantly correlated with ideological polarisation, but the relationship between the two appears to be conditional: in some Western European political systems ideological polarisation does not lead itself to strong interparty hostility, while in Central Eastern Europe a high degree of affective polarisation can be present even in ideologically centrist party structures. These findings validate the claim that ideological and affective polarisation are two distinct aspects of polarisation, and that the latter also merits additional attention.     

人工智能技术应用会减少制造业企业的就业机会吗？ ——以珠江三角洲制造业企业为例

在人工智能背景下，智能化转型成为许多企业的发展方向，然而在智能化设备代替人类工作者的过程中，新技术是否会带来失业问题成为社会讨论的焦点。本研究通过对珠江三角洲部分制造业企业进行问卷调查，并从智能化升级前后的员工总体数量变化、具体部门人数变化、员工工资收入变化以及企业的人力资源需求变化等四个方面进行分析。研究结果显示： (1)人工智能技术对企业员工存在一定程度的替代效应，但 效果并不明显；(2)人工智能技术对部门结构进行重塑，将员工引向与人工智能技术相关的工作岗位上： (3)人工智能技术在企业中的应用对转岗员工收入的提升起到积极作用： (4)人工智能技术的各项优势以及在企业中起到的积极作用并不意味着劳动者被淘汰，反而增加了企业的劳动力需求。     

Municipality size,political efficacy and political participation: a systematic review

ABSTRACT

It is an old adage that local government is a training ground for democracy. Its human scale means that political amateurs can contribute effectively and meaningfully to the politics of a state. But in a political climate seemingly driven to consolidate local government into ever larger units, can a not so local local government still elicit an efficacious and participatory citizenry? This paper explores the effect of municipality population size on two important aspects of democratic culture: political efficacy and political participation. Via a two-part systematic review, the paper examines how extant empirical literature bears on the relationship between size and both of these aspects, hypothesising that political efficacy plays a mediating role between size and participation. The findings are unequivocal: citizens of smaller municipalities feel a greater sense of political efficacy and participate to a greater degree in local politics.     

New media and strategic narratives: the Dutch referendum on Ukraine – EU Association Agreement in Ukrainian and Russian Internet blogs

ABSTRACT

This article analyses two confronting narratives authored by Ukrainian and Russian bloggers who reported the Dutch referendum held on 6 March 2016, and discussed Dutch citizens’ referendum vote on the Ukraine–EU Association Agreement. The considered narratives, addressed to the Ukrainian and Russian audiences respectively, are viewed as strategic because they specifically portray political actors of the referendum “drama” – the Netherlands, the European Union (EU), Ukraine and Russia. These actors are significant participants of European international relations, and their perceptions of one another are important for European security at the present time of critical diplomacy. In this paper, information about the DUTCH REFERENDUM obtained from the new media texts is regarded as a narrative-based political concept (NBPC). It is argued that this concept has different versions, or images that reflect the narrators’ biased perceptions imposed upon the public. Identification and comparison of such images require a particular methodology. Therefore, the objective of this paper is two-fold: to expose the two confronting versions of a strategically relevant political image, and to develop an authentic, interdisciplinary methodology for its analysis. The proposed methodology is informed by the ontology theory employed in cognitive science and cognitive linguistics.     

Scripted Messengers: How Party Discipline and Branding Turn Election Candidates and Legislators into Brand Ambassadors

Political parties with strict party discipline are well-placed to demand that their election candidates and legislators promote the party brand. The franchise-franchisee relationship causes representatives to relinquish individual expression in exchange for centralized party messaging. This article looks at how a strategic desire for party unity combines with internal brand management to turn lower-ranking politicians in a parliamentary system into party brand ambassadors. Our Canadian case study draws on in-depth interviews with party leaders, Members of Parliament, political staff, candidates for office and prospective candidates. The implications for representative democracy in a Westminster system are considered, including the representational constraints for racial and sexual minorities.     

论批判理论中的“微观”政治思想意蕴

批判理论是法兰克福学派的学者对当代资本主义社会的发展现状及其历史进程进行批判性审视的结果,其中蕴含了深刻的政治思想。一方面,批判理论不仅关注当代资本主义社会中的普遍性问题,对实证主义的哲学精神和传统的意识形态理论进行解析和批判;另一方面,批判理论还注重发掘资本主义社会生活中的细节,将对资本逻辑的批判从宏观转向了微观,进而通达其政治诉求。可以认为,从微观视角对批判理论中的政治思想内涵进行探索,不仅能够对其进行深刻理解和阐释,而且能够在新时代背景下将批判理论与当代中国现代化建设进行有机的结合,进而实质性地推进马克思主义中国化的理论进程。     

Self-determination,group identity and the common will

ABSTRACT

Anna Stilz defends a political autonomy account of self-determination that, she argues, best explains our intuitions about why colonization, annexation and foreign occupation are wrong. These are wrong, on Stilz’s view, because they unilaterally coerce individuals living under those systems of government. I argue that Stilz does not show that her account of self-determination explains our intuitions about autonomy in these kinds of cases, because she does not have a separate argument for the value of belonging to particular political groups.