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171.
“十四五”时期是我国从全面建成小康社会向基本实现社会主义现代化迈进的关键过渡期。基于数量和质量双重维度,采用趋势外推法预测未来经济增长潜力,未来十年中国的潜在经济增长率呈现明显下降态势,而经济增长质量潜力则出现显著上升趋势。“十四五”时期建设社会主义现代化国家的战略目标包括以推动高质量发展为基本导向、以提升国家核心竞争力为集中体现、以增进人民福祉为最终目的、以推进国家治理现代化为重要保障。在此基础上,“十四五”时期的战略重点是更加有力的创新驱动、更加优化的经济结构、更加完善的基础设施体系和更加现代化的发展道路。  相似文献   
172.
一种流行的对现代货币理论的批评认为,现代货币理论忽视了金融市场在货币创造中的主体地位;现代货币理论的错误认识会导致政府对市场的过度干预。这种反对意见不仅误解了现代货币理论,而且建立在错误的历史观上,忽视了政府在市场经济中的重要作用。首先,现代货币理论形成了包括商业银行和政府在内的对货币等级结构的完整认识。其次,在历史上,财政作为货币创造主体的作用并没有让位于商业银行体系,相反,随着布雷顿森林体系的解体,国家财政的作用获得了极大的解放。再次,政府的货币创造具有生产性的一面,它在推动创新和生产力发展上扮演着重要角色;政府创造和回收货币并不是剥削,而是国家的公共目的所使然。最后,货币创造主体的制度设计及其争论的问题本质上是更深层次的政治经济学问题。  相似文献   
173.
增强高校工会思想政治工作实效性的思考   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
高校工会思想政治工作是教职工思想政治工作的重要组成部分.高校工会的思想政治工作除了具有思想政治工作的一般特征之外,还具有自己独特的"个性",有其独特的优势,即更能够紧密结合实际,从而更能取得实效.增强工会思想政治工作的实效性,应该做到"五个融入",即在学校改革中融入思想政治工作、在民主管理中融入思想政治工作、在师德师风建设活动中融入思想政治工作、在校园文化活动中融入思想政治工作、在建"家"活动中融入思想政治工作.  相似文献   
174.
资本结构对企业的经营至关重要,随着我国社会主义市场经济的发展和现代化企业制度的建立,企业资本结构的优化已成为现代企业筹资决策中的核心问题。  相似文献   
175.
“泛珠三角”区域的合作发展战略,是促进本区域经济社会全面、协调、可持续发展的有力举措。“泛珠三角”合作正面临着国际金融危机的挑战,但也蕴含着难得的机遇。参与“泛珠三角”区域合作,是桂林市经济社会建设的又一次发展契机,充分发挥区域合作优势是桂林借势发展的最佳选择。  相似文献   
176.
宁全红 《河北法学》2007,25(1):148-151
周礼是在继承殷礼的基础上,在周初政治、经济以及文化条件制约之下,在平衡各种政治势力的权力和利益的基础上诞生.采用韦伯的立场、观点和方法进行相关分析.  相似文献   
177.
The impact of terrorist events on attitude formation and change among mass publics has been well established in political research. Still, no individual-level study has examined the impact of terrorist attacks on political participation. This article aims to fill that gap. Drawing on theories of affect, it is predicted that fear stemming from a terrorist attack will increase motivation to seek out political information, yet will have a negative effect on actual participation. On the contrary, anger will hinder information seeking but will boost the intention to participate in political rallies. These hypotheses are tested using data from a two-wave panel study that collected one wave before and a second wave after the January 2015 Paris attacks, and from one cross-sectional study carried out soon after the November 2015 attacks.  相似文献   
178.
How does the structure of government‐funded service networks affect the process of service innovation? We have conducted a comparative analysis of the structure and processes of collaborative innovation of 2 government‐funded community‐based elderly service networks in Shanghai. We have found that in consistent with the literature, a network that has a network administrative organization structure is better able to manage the process of service innovation in a way that balances the need to achieve government policy goals on the one hand and the imperative to facilitate bottom‐up citizen participation on the other. Surprisingly, contrary to what prior studies have suggested, we have found that a network in which a lead organization plays a dominant role, despite its more centralized process of service innovation, is often able to deliver a variety of high‐quality and low‐cost services addressing citizens' needs. With the leadership provided by the network lead organization and its close affiliation with the street‐office government, the network has been able to solicit government support. Such a hierarchical yet responsive state‐society relation has emerged as a result of the coalescence of a corporatist state legacy and an increasing pressure for local governments to seek citizens' support in service delivery.  相似文献   
179.
Political risks are inescapable in development. Donors keep them in check with a range of tools, but existing options provide little guidance about how political forms of risk can—or should—shape programme design. This paper presents a novel framework that offers practical guidance on how to think about and manage some of these risks. This is based on a review of programmes delivered by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, which provides a specific type of aid: democracy assistance. Political forms of risk have a strong influence on that aid, so it provides a valuable example. Our framework centres on two trade‐offs inherent in the provision of aid for democracy support. The first relates to the type of approach employed in a programme; should it focus on a thematic issue or a specific event, or should it focus primarily on an institution and its processes? The second concerns the scope of a programme in terms of who it includes. Understanding the costs and benefits of these trade‐offs will help development practitioners to make decisions about political risks in a more rigorous and transparent way and, potentially, to shift from a culture of risk aversion, to one of informed risk‐taking.  相似文献   
180.
This article explores two theoretical possibilities for why personal health may affect political trust: the psychological‐democratic contract theory, and the role of personal experience in opinion formation. It argues that citizens with health impairments are more likely to experience the direct effects of political decisions as they are more dependent on public health services. Negative subjective evaluations of public services can lower trust levels, especially if people's expectations are high. Using European Social Survey data, the association between health and trust in 19 Western European states is analysed. The results indicate that people in poor health exhibit lower levels of trust towards the political system than people in good health. The differences in trust between those in good and poor health are accentuated among citizens with left‐leaning ideological values. The results suggest that welfare issues may constitute a rare context in which personal, rather than collective, experiences affect opinion formation.  相似文献   
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