试论政治合法性与中国共产党组织基础的扩展

现代化的进程,就是对社会力量不断进行整合的过程。从历史—现实的维度与合法性的视角看,中国共产党组织基础是一个不断扩展的过程,也是中国共产党政治合法性基础不断增强的过程。尤其是当今市场经济的发展,中国原有的力量分布格局发生了变化,社会阶层进一步分化,这对中国共产党的组织发展提出了新的要求。以江泽民为代表的中国共产党人,审时度势,大胆进行理论创新,提出新的政治思路,基本解决了这个新问题,因而扩大了中国共产党的组织基础,增强了中国共产党执政合法性基础。     

公安院校散手教学中腿法的应用

通过调查研究发现 ,正踹腿、侧踹腿和鞭腿是散手运动中最实用的腿法。分析各种腿法的运用时机 ,掌握好时间、距离和空间差 ,是正确运用腿法的先决条件。公安院校的散手教学强调多种技击方法的结合 ,以提高散手运动的实战能力。     

适应军事变革要求推进军队政治工作的创新发展

新军事变革的发展给我军政治工作带来的挑战,要求我军政治工作从转变观念入手,与时俱进,改革创新,使我军政治工作不断适应新形势的需要,为赢得未来战争的胜利提供服务保证.     

解读统一战线与社会主义政治文明

社会主义政治文明是一种新型的、有民主的政治文明,其实质是人民民主的政治文明。社会主义政治文明最基本的内容是把党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国三个方面有机统一起来。正确认识统一战线与政治文明的关系,充分发挥统一战线的独特优势,将有助于全面推进中国特色的社会主义事业。     

论战略机遇期青年的历史使命

2 1世纪头 2 0年 ,对我国来说是一个重要的战略机遇期 ,对于成长中的青年一代来说 ,则是一个难得的历史机遇期 ,全面建设小康社会的历史使命 ,落在了当代青年的肩上。新的时代 ,新的使命 ,必将对当代青年提出新的要求。     

论文化产业结构的战略性调整与制度创新

文化产业结构是现存一切文化关系的制度性反映和总和。中国文化产业结构的战略性调整,必须克服对原有体制的制度性依赖,实行全面的制度创新,重构中国文化产业结构的制度体系。     

Facing the future: young people's awareness of the 2001 British general election advertising campaigns

This paper presents findings from a national survey of ‘potential’ first time voters at the 2001 British general election. It investigates these young people's awareness of the advertising used by the main political parties during this election. Overall what emerges is a young electorate aware of the advertising, who were interested in the election itself and nearly half of whom say they voted in it. Consequently the findings reject the notion that young people are generically unaware of and disinterested in party political messages. In addition the findings indicate that the political parties' print advertisements—to some degree—are penetrating the first layer of young people's message processing, suggesting they are a useful aid in capturing the youth vote. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications     

Mapping the production of political communications: a model to assist in understanding the relationships between the production and consumption of political messages

High public interest today in political communications such as ‘spin’ and in political participation such as electoral turnout suggests that there may be value in exploring the processes by which political messages are produced and consumed, and their inter‐relationship with participation. It may be that what citizen‐voters think of message production influences how they consume political news and publicity (through observing and evaluating), and that the propensity to political participation is subsequently affected. This paper offers a model which traces the production of political communications, starting at their origins in the political class, and flowing via traditional political journalism or controlled media and new media to citizen‐voters who both observe and evaluate them (ie consume them) before, during and after making any political choices. It is hypothesised that the observation and evaluation of message production and content by political consumers influences both their types and levels of participation. Research of this nature into political organisations is relatively rare. Similarly, there is little evidence of investigations into other aspects highlighted in the model: attitudes of the political class towards political communications, the production of political communications before they reach the media and how they are received by the media, and their consumption by citizen‐voters in relation to the propensity to participate in politics. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications     

从韶关市村委会的构成看农村妇女政治参与

对韶关市村委会构成的抽样调查表明 :村委会构成中妇女比例小且处于配角地位 ,农村妇女政治参与意识弱且与当地经济发展水平无明显因果关系 ;妇女的传统角色定位、指派荐举方式、文化素质、农户独立耕作制度是农村妇女政治参与的障碍。应通过鼓励、政策倾斜及妇联组织介入提高妇女在村委会中的比例 ,调动农村妇女的政治参与热情