NTFS格式存储设备数据恢复方法研究

目的研究NTFS存储设备的3种数据恢复方式,测试、比较不同方式的恢复效果,促进电子物证检验工作。方法本文针对同一NTFS存储设备,分别使自行设计的NTFS日志检验软件测试基于NTFS日志文件的恢复方式,使用Final Data的快速扫描功能测试基于MFT记录的恢复方式,使用Final Data的完整扫描功能测试基于文件头部存储特征值的恢复方式,比较3种方式的恢复效果,分析各自的恢复原理。结果基于NTFS日志和MFT记录的方式恢复出的信息较全,用时较短,但不适合恢复较长时间之前删除的文件。基于文件头部存储特征值的方式可恢复较长时间前删除的文件,但用时长,不能恢复文件名、创建时间等信息,也不能有效恢复离散存储的文件。结论结合实际情况、综合运用3种方式可有效恢复数据。     

French engagement versus British commitment. Was it interlingual miscommunication or political manipulation?

ABSTRACT

The efforts undertaken to establish the contemporary European Union started many years earlier. The history of establishing a pan-European organization is interesting not only for historians and economists but also translators and linguists as it is the history of interlingual communication (negotiations and agreements). One such negotiation was allegedly ineffective due to the difference in understanding the French term engagement and its English equivalent employed by translators and interpreters, that is to say the English term commitment. The authors aim at presenting the political background of negotiations and the social semiotic analysis of the terms in question in order to provoke the reader to find the answer to the question whether the negotiation was broken due to interlingual miscommunication resulting from erroneously chosen equivalent or it was destined to failure from the very beginning due to socio-political and economic interests of negotiating parties. In order to achieve that goal, the authors have analysed notes exchanged between the governments of France and Great Britain in course of negotiation. The history of negotiation and the linguistic analysis are combined to illustrate the complexity of meaning construction and the semiotic implications of the contextual dependence of meanings of terms and their dynamic evolution in time and space.     

Lecture Versus Simulation: Testing the Long-Term Effects

Abstract

Active learning techniques are being use with increasing frequency in the classroom and more time is being dedicated to designing and implementing them. However, the literature still suffers from a lack of rigorous empirical methods to test the effects of simulations. Most of the claimed benefits of utilizing simulations, and other active learning techniques, are improved soft skills and higher order thinking like empathy, confidence, public-speaking abilities, and interpersonal skills—all of which don’t lend themselves well to scientific measurement. This gap in the literature is especially troubling considering that time spent using simulations is time not spent using other methods. This article seeks to test the differing impacts of simulations versus traditional lectures over the long-term using a simple 30-minute simulation and rigorous experimental methods. The most important results show that students learn more initially from a lecture, but that students who were exposed to the simulation were better able to retain that information over the long-term.     

Bricks in the wall: the politics of housing in Europe

Abstract

Housing has important economic, political, and social ramifications for Western Europe and beyond. Despite its importance in shaping economic and political outcomes, however, housing remains in the peripheral vision of major comparative political economy debates. This introduction to the special issue accomplishes four objectives. First it demonstrates how housing defies current political economy typologies by failing to conform to their theoretical and empirical predictions. Second it summarises the current state of housing research within political science, which still remains in its infancy. Third it highlights how the contributions in this special issue expand our understanding of how housing causes and is shaped by political and economic outcomes in Europe. Finally, this introduction concludes by outlining how the special issue contributions demonstrate housing’s importance for the welfare state, political preferences and electoral shifts, regulatory and redistributive policies, and financialisation and household indebtedness in Europe.     

Unity Without Totalitarianism: Tensions Within Normativity

Although he did not invent the term, Jürgen Habermas has popularised “constitutional patriotism” as a form of political unity that avoids excessive nationalism. This paper attempts to examine the link between emotivism and normativity that has otherwise been excluded from Habermas’s notion of constitutional patriotism. Beyond Habermas, political theory as a whole has not yet taken emotivism as a serious component of normativity. Rather than developing it in isolation, this paper attempts to reconcile emotivism with cognitive-normative practices found within rational deliberation. Reconciling the two not only provides a better normative steering component for judging good from bad practices, but also depicts contemporary political practices more accurately. In sum, constitutional patriotism’s normativity must be sourced from a complex integration of emotion and cognition, or put another way, from the interplay between citizens’ moral sentiments and rational judgements.     

论公共性的回归与重塑

公共性与私人性作为个体存在的两种形态,是异常复杂地糅合在一起的,但在人类社会尤其是西方社会由传统走向现代的进程中,却出现了私人性超越并侵蚀公共性的现象。究其原因,传统公共性的剥削属性、浪漫主义发展、科学技术进步和工业革命的兴起都在不同程度上推动了私人性对公共性的侵蚀。这虽有利于个体理性发展和人性解放,但同时也导致了公共性的衰落,从而引发信仰缺失、私人性膨胀、合作失灵等一系列公共危机,给社会发展带来无法预测的风险。故应以西方现代化发展中的这一弊端为鉴,重新审视公共性对我国现代生活的重要性,并从公共价值观创造、公共道德培育和公共秩序规划入手,努力构建公共性与私人性和谐统一的现代生活。     

防范化解政治领域重大风险探析

政治安全是国家安全的根本。维护国家政治安全,是新时代进行伟大斗争的必然要求,是实现中华民族伟大复兴中国梦的重要保障。当前,我国政治安全形势总体保持稳定、向好的基本态势,但同时面临的风险与挑战也是前所未有的,影响政治安全的不利因素日趋复杂。必须坚持底线思维,增强忧患意识,认真贯彻落实总体国家安全观,加强有针对性的防范打击,坚决消除一切影响国家政治安全的隐患,确保党的执政安全和中国特色社会主义制度安全。     

浅论清末民初章士钊的政党思想

章士钊是中国近代史上著名的思想家和理论家,他注意观察和研究近代民主政治,尤其是政党政治,他强调党纲的重要性,推崇英国式的政党内阁制,并由此提出了毁党造党说,即政党和国内政治资源的重新优化组合,一方面,所谓党者尽毁之,既毁其名又毁其实,另一方面,造有党纲之党,在国内形成两大政党对抗的局面。毁党造党说轰动一时,但因不符合中国的国情而遭到失败。     

扣紧理论创新与实践路径的双重逻辑：论党的十八大对思想政治教育的创新与发展

党的十八大报告是新的历史起点上继续发展中国特色社会主义的政治宣言和行动纲领,更是指导我国新时期思想政治教育工作的重要文献.它的理论意义在于深化了思想政治教育学科的指导思想与时代内涵,而它的实践意义则在于拓展了思想政治教育的载体和创新了思想政治教育工作的实践路径.     

利益认同：思想政治教育价值实现的基础

利益认同是思想政治教育存在和发展的前提，是实现思想政治教育价值的基础。在新形势下，要以利益认同为基础，促进思想政治教育价值的实现，就必须努力做到以下几点：一是加强义利观教育，引导人们正视各种利益关系；二是建立健全群众利益表达机制；三是从人民群众的切身利益出发，以实际行动全面满足人们合理的物质、精神生活需要。