公共服务供给机制转型中的公益性岗位研究

我国自2002年起开始施行公益性岗位的政策,这一政策对拓宽就业渠道、缓解失业压力起到了一定的作用。但目前依靠政府进一步开发和购买公益性岗位的难度很大。本文对国内外公共服务供给机制转型进行了比较分析,在此基础上提出以下建议:我国应进一步完善公共服务的供给机制,以社区为平台,通过推动购买服务的方式,调动社会组织服务社区和吸收就业的功能,以推动公益性岗位的增加。     

Working Girls: Femininity and Entrapment in Peyton Place and Valley of the Dolls

Jacqueline Susann's Valley of the Dolls (1966) and Grace Metalious's Peyton Place (1956) are novels that have long exerted a powerful hold on the popular imagination. The bestselling Peyton Place was adapted into a successful film in 1957 before becoming an iconic television series, running from 1964 to 1969. Valley of the Dolls was similarly re-imagined in two films, Valley of the Dolls (1967) and Beyond the Valley of the Dolls (1970), which, even today, retain a cult following. These books are typically remembered for their scandalous bringing to light of such ‘taboo’ issues as adultery, abortion, female sexuality and sexual abuse. But this article suggests that Peyton Place and Valley of the Dolls are equally preoccupied with a sympathetic examination of the role of women in the post-war workplace. In both of these novels, the process of female self-fashioning is integrally related to a woman's entry into the workforce, and to the making and controlling of her own money. But this entry into the male-dominated workforce is inherently fraught with danger, and Metalious and Susann expose some of the myriad ways in which the so-called ‘American Dream’ is contingent on the entrapment, suppression and regulation of various forms of female desire and agency.     

The legacy of subalternity and Gramsci’s national–popular: populist discourse in the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse.     

Five years after the Arab Spring: a critical evaluation

A new political geography has emerged in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) after the Arab Spring. The transformative impact of the popular upheavals appeared to put an end to long-term authoritarian regimes. Today, the region is far from stable since authoritarian resilience violently pushed back popular demands for good governance and is pushing to restore former state structures. However, the collective consciousness of the popular revolts endures, and a transformative prospect may emerge on the horizon. The chaotic situation is the result of an ongoing struggle between those who seek change and transformation and others in favour of the status quo ante. A critical evaluation of the Arab Spring after five years indicates a continuous process of recalculation and recalibration of policies and strategies. There are alternative routes for an eventual settlement in the MENA region, which are in competition against both regional and transregional quests for a favourable order.     

Labour and the Culture Wars of Modern Politics

Anyone who attempts to understand and reverse the major defeat suffered by Labour in the December 2019 general election needs first to appreciate why comparisons with the defeats of the 1980s are so unhelpful. In 1983 Labour was all but wiped out across southern England, but held on comfortably across the ‘red wall’. By contrast, in 2019 Labour did well in cities and university towns across the south, and appears to have solved its historic problem with the southern, educated middle class. However, this has been at the expense of alienating working class voters across the country, not just in its former industrial heartlands. But this is not inevitable. A reanalysis of testimony from hundreds of interviews with working people across England from the 1940s onwards allows insights into attitudes and values that are often obscured by survey techniques. Crucially, it points to a broad-based vernacular liberalism at odds with the culture wars model of a terminal crisis for social democracy.     

大学生流行文化及其教育导向机制

大学生流行文化以其当下性及新异性满足了大学生缓解压力、追求自我的差别性需要；同时，它也以其商业诱惑性刺激着大学生的假性需求，使大学生成为流行的俘虏而失去个性化与自由的积极意义。构建大学生流行文化的参照系统和引导体系，培育高素质的具有时尚感的教育队伍，是大学生参与创新流行文化或者摆脱流行话语隐性权力控制的主要导向机制。     

论意识王国基础性事实

羁人意识总是在表现着对人显现着的实在性,此即意识王国的基础性事实,也是哲学研究的原始起点。“意识是实在性的反映”与“实在性的反映是意识”是意识王国基础性事实两端各为主体自身的反思规定性,是其两端联结的不同反思形式。哲学基本问题,便是意识王国基础性事实两端的相关性,而实在性是否可知的问题既是哲学基本问题内涵的真谛所在,同时也是意识王国基础性事实的基本问题。本体论、认识论和价值论,构成意识王国基础性事实的三个意识形式,是它的整个逻辑内容所是。哲学一般的完美整体．是哲学本体论、哲学认识论、哲学价值论三的内在统一,是意识王国基础性事实与其逻辑内容所是的内在统一。意识三国基础性事实．是贯通哲学整个逻辑内容的内在基石。     

从凡俗生活跃起:哲学的使命

哲学要回归现实生活，这是当今时代的现实要求。但是，哲学回归现实生活，并不是与现实生活沆鲨一汽，而是与现实生活拉开距离，超越现实生活，这才是哲学的真正使命所在。操学是对生活的理论化观照，不是对现实生活的阿谀。同化于现实的哲学，也许可以暂时置身于哲学之列，但终归没有生命力。只有超拔于现实，哲学才能成其为哲学。真正的哲学，正是在其与现实生活的距离中保持着它与现实生活最真实最紧密的联系的。     

Feminism Means Business: Business Feminism,Sisterhood and Visibility

ABSTRACT

By interviewing self-proclaimed feminists with small-scale businesses who sell feminist commodities, the aim of this article is to understand why and how the market has become an arena for doing feminism and what this can tell us about contemporary feminism. Using theories of postfeminism and popular feminism in combination with Lacanian discourse theory, the analysis shows that feminism is renegotiated into ownership by reshaping the feminist discourse of sisterhood into business support and advice. Furthermore, competition is reshaped into a positive value of expanding the feminist community, and making profit is reshaped into a feminist discourse of equal pay. Business feminism produces an individual, visible, affluent and entrepreneurial feminist subject who does not challenge economic structures or ownership conditions.     

“破”与“立”:俄罗斯社会转型的历程与现状

俄罗斯的社会转型是先破后立,即以私有化为开端拉开其社会转型的序幕,在经过十余年的痛苦反思和屡受挫折后又将“和谐社会”作为其社会转型“立”的思想基础。它是破得彻底,立得艰难。总结归纳中国、俄罗斯本土和西方学界研究成果、梳理俄罗斯社会转型的历程和现状,使我们对社会转型“破”与“立”的严重脱节是其社会转型代价沉重的内在根源有了更深刻的认识。