中国古代史研究21世纪展望--"21世纪中国历史学展望学术讨论会"中国古代史组讨论纪实

2002年5月云南大学召开了"21世纪中国历史学展望学术讨论会",这是进入21世纪以后中国历史学界的一次盛会。与会专家学者对20世纪的中国历史学研究进行总结,畅谈了对21世纪中国历史学的展望。中国古代史组的专家学者们在研讨中,提出一些重要的学术见解和改革建议。这对今后中国古代史的学科发展乃至整个中国历史学的发展,都将具有重要意义。     

网络与人的当代发展

网络不仅大大促进了生产力的发展,提高了人们的物质生活水平,而且还使人类的主体状况得到了极大的改善．为人的全面发展创造了新的机遇和可能。劳动本身的异化性质由此得到很大改变,人们也不再局限于物质活动层面的外在交往．而是更加倾向于精神化层面的内在交往。网络形成的世界性普遍交往使“偶然性”的个人为世界历史个人所代替,使每个个人感受到人类共同魄价值追求．并从中汲取营养．从而促进自身的全面发展。     

中国共产党对科学社会主义的理论创新

中国共产党对科学社会主义的理论创新主要体现在：开创了独具中国特色的新民主主义革命和社会主义改造的道路,建立了独具中国特色的人民民主专政,提出了社会主义初级阶段的理论,揭示了社会主义的本质,提出了“一国两制”的构想,初步实现了社会主义与市场经济的有机结合,实现了社会主义所有制理论的新突破,提出了依法治国和以德治国相结合的方略。     

《红楼梦》双关语人名翻译中的归化与异化

双关语为文学作品中人物命名时较为常用的修辞手段。《红楼梦》双关语人名中双关语的构成,从归化与异化视角等方面对人名中双关语翻译策略与方法进行分析与阐释,并就两个全译本在双关语人名翻译中的归化与异化进行分析与比较,在翻译过程中有深刻的文化意识,即意识到两种文化的异同。具体的翻译方法应视具体情况而定。归化与异化有相互对立的方面,但是最终的方向应该是互补的。     

Commentary on Mazlish: “The hi-jacking of global society”

Abstract

History and traditions are important for many civil society organizations (CSOs). However, CSOs have to mediate between their original mission and modern-day realities. This article argues that understanding the concept of decoupling can enrich analyses of how organizations deal with path dependency. Hence, this article discusses cross-fertilization between historical and organizational institutionalism. This is illustrated through a study of Swedish CSOs using survey data, interviews and documents. The Swedish popular movement tradition is argued to be a path that is not easily abandoned, and the results of the surveys and interviews included here show how actors in CSOs find history to be both a resource and a constraint. Furthermore, different decoupling strategies, including both reversed and official decoupling, are used to balance between historical legacies and current challenges.     

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the questions of identity,territory and political destiny of the indigenous Nuba of the Sudan

ABSTRACT

The Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of 2005 was successful in ending the longest war in contemporary Africa. However, its implementation has been below the expectations of several communities, particularly in the war-torn regions of the Nuba Mountains, the Southern Blue Nile and the Abyei Area, widely referred to as ‘contested’, ‘marginalised’, ‘transitional’ areas or ‘border territories’. While many interwoven causes were behind the eruption of the protracted civil wars in the Sudan (Elnur 2009; Johnson 2006; Khalid 1987), the political question of sub-national identities and their intrinsic link with specific territories (Murphy 1991; William and Smith 1993) is hypothesised here as a prime factor in extending the civil war into these three areas. Taking the Nuba and their claimed territory of the Nuba Mountains as an example, this article will, first, trace the political striving of the Nuba people and their shift from peaceful political movement to armed struggle; second, it will examine their political status during the peace negotiation process; and third, it will analyse their political responses to the outcome of the CPA and its impact on their future political choices in view of the April 2010 election results, and the projected right to self-determination for the people of Southern Sudan, to be exercised through the referenda in 2011.     

In the name of king,country, and people on the Westminster model and Bhutan's constitutional transition

In 2008 Bhutan inaugurated a written constitution thereby instituting the state as a constitutional monarchy. The constitution is almost unanimously described as democratic by international media and academics. The ease with which this apparent consensus on its democratic character has been achieved, however, raises the important question of how best to approach the theory of constitutional democratization. In approaching the issue of democratization as a move towards popular control, this article discusses the ambivalence of the Bhutanese constitution towards this principle in a cultural context where social order is seen as constituted within the unity of king, country, and people. Curiously, this language is not as unique to Bhutan as one might expect, but influenced by the Westminster legacy in its emphasis on the principle of “Crown in Parliament”, its ritualization, and ideas of political inequality. It raises the question whether this model is suitable as a blueprint model for countries with different historic and cultural trajectories from the European ones? The article advocates a novel approach to the analysis of constitutional transition that transgresses the dichotomy between an institutional and linguistic approach, thus opening up interesting new insights on the waxing and waning of processes of expanding popular control.     

《诗经》赤范畴颜色词研究

以《诗经》为封闭语料,统计出赤范畴颜色词20个,将其分为语义颜色词和语用颜色词两类,其中语义颜色词有9个,语用颜色词有11个,二者出现的总词频数为50次。详细分析了《诗经》赤范畴颜色词的语义系统,总结其使用特点,在此基础上探讨了上古颜色词产生的途径。     

高校“QQ空间文化”流行趋势研究

"QQ空间文化"是一种以QQ空间为载体形成的时尚流行文化,当代大学生是"QQ空间文化"的创造者,也是其消费者,进而在高校形成了特有的"QQ空间文化"流行现象,对大学生价值观有着重要的导向作用。高校思想政治教育和管理工作需要立足大学生自主发展趋向、情感需求趋向、价值追求趋向等方面探究"QQ空间文化"流行趋势,注重道德生活化价值、社会核心价值以及大学生自主发展的价值等方面把握高校"QQ空间文化"流行趋势的价值导向,引导大学生创造有内涵、有个性、有品质的"QQ空间文化"个性网络家园。     

需要理论在马克思主义大众化实践中的应用

通过关注人的物质生活需要、精神需要、发展需要以及需要的不同层次逐步解决,在马克思主义大众化过程中实现群众对主流意识的认同与信仰,是实现马克思主义大众化的根本所在,也是中国特色社会主义理论体系的客观要求。