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101.
ABSTRACT

This review provides a cross-sectional analysis of the police literature for years 2000 to 2014. It represents the ninth special feature review of police research published in Police Practice and Research: An International Journal. The study reports on trends over time in police literature according to substantive categories, publication medium, and methodological typology. The study also relies on findings from prior police research reviews as a basis for a discussion of the long-term patterns of police research over time from 2000 to 2014. A topically organized bibliography of the 2010 to 2014 police literature reviewed is also provided.  相似文献   
102.
张梦中  王红 《行政论坛》2002,35(4):75-80,F003
该文对美国的MBA与MPA学位做了历史性的回顾与分析。对MBA与MPA的异同、发展趋势以及学员动力、性别差异等方面做了较为深入的检阅。在过去近一个世纪发展的历程中,美国的MBA与MPA学位均有稳定的上升趋势。中国的MBA教育正方兴未艾,MPA目前犹如雨后春笋。美国的经验对中国的MBA及MPA教育有积极的借鉴意义。公共管理硕士MPA与工商管理硕士MBA是管理学中既有共性又有特殊性的两大分支,管理和科学技术一道共同构成人类社会滚滚向前的两大历史车轮。正因如此,MPA学位与MBA学位正在成为21世纪中国高等教育的两颗耀眼的星星。中国的MPA与MBA教育肩负着历史的重任。  相似文献   
103.
The EU public affairs industry is failing to recognise that political and social change is rendering its traditional approach to lobbying redundant. The key change is the growing importance of public opinion. Politicians are tending to follow rather than lead public opinion. The public is becoming more individualistic and more prone to emotional appeals. Pressure groups are increasingly setting the political agenda. The Internet is reinforcing all these trends and multiplying the number of political actors. To survive and prosper, public affairs practitioners need to adopt a strategic view of public affairs, which is aligned with companies' brand strategies. This view must be based on a holistic view of politics and recognition that winning public trust, acceptance and support is the prerequisite of successful lobbying. The emphasis will therefore shift away from traditional elite lobbying towards NGO‐style campaigning and mobilisation of public support. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications  相似文献   
104.
吴功正 《思想战线》2001,27(5):78-80
唐代服饰美学体现了社会风气与服饰变化的互动互摄现象.在唐代服饰美学中有着很深的社会思潮痕印.唐代服饰富于多彩多姿的美感特征,造型别致,甚至有男性化倾向.唐代服饰受到中西文化交流的影响,然而,由于唐代审美思潮变化更迭的特点,所谓"胡服"在盛唐以后就不再盛行了.  相似文献   
105.
秦林芳 《思想战线》2001,27(6):90-94
李广田在20世纪30年代的乡土散文创作以忆旧视角、乡土题材和人性主题形成了自己鲜明的思想倾向.他继承"五四"人的文学"传统,从超越政治、关注人生的独特的文学功利观出发,在对都市文明失望的同时,通过乡间的"画廊",展示出灿烂的人性之光,表现出了弘扬健康人性、以文学的道德力量重塑民族性格的热望.  相似文献   
106.
Studies on populist parties – or ‘supply‐side populism’ more generally – are numerous. Nevertheless, the connection with demand‐side dynamics, and particularly the populist characteristics or tendencies of the electorate, requires more scholarly attention. This article examines in more detail the conditions underlying the support for populist parties, and in particular the role of populist attitudes amongst citizens. It asks two core questions: (1) are populist party supporters characterised by stronger populist attitudes than other party supporters, and (2) to what extent do populist (and other) attitudes contribute to their party preference? The analysis uses fixed effect models and relies on a cross‐sectional research design that uses unique survey data from 2015 and includes nine European countries. The results are threefold. First, in line with single‐country studies, populist attitudes are prominent among supporters of left‐ and right‐wing populist parties in particular. Second, populist attitudes are important predictors of populist party support in addition to left‐wing socioeconomic issue positions for left‐wing populist parties, and authoritarian and anti‐immigration issue positions for right‐wing populist parties. Third, populist attitudes moderate the effect of issue positions on the support for populist parties, particularly for individuals whose positions are further removed from the extreme ends of the economic or cultural policy scale. These findings suggest that strong populist attitudes may encourage some voters to support a populist party whose issue positions are incongruous with their own policy‐related preferences.  相似文献   
107.
This article argues that an important political marketplace of keywords expands in social media around campaign events such as a debate; that rhetorical efforts to define the situation in which a campaign event occurs are met in this marketplace by user responses that more or less echo the keywords, thereby enhancing or diminishing the political power of their “caller” or speaker; and that social media monitoring platforms can enhance our understanding of public opinion influence competitions among candidates through the careful selection, tabulation, and inspection of words and phrases being voiced. In the case at hand, an analysis of Twitter volume data and a reading of a sample of 1200 tweets between July 30 and August 15, 2015, a period enveloping the first 2016 Republican presidential candidate debate on August 6, 2015, helps us understand how Donald J. Trump escaped political punishment from party and media elites for subverting Republican and U.S. norms of candidate behavior. Elite voices greatly disapproved of Trump’s debate performance and conduct, a traditional augury of declining public support. But the presence of social media voices enhanced Trump’s capacity to succeed with an insurgent marketing strategy, one he would continue into his election as president fifteen months later. Specifically, comparatively high user volume on a debate-oriented section of Twitter (i.e., posts with the hashtag #GOPDebate) for Trump’s name, slogan, and Twitter address, and for such advantageous keywords as “political correctness,” “Megyn Kelly,” and “illegal immigration” relative to terms and phrases favoring other candidates and Republicans as a whole indicates the presence of heavy and active popular support for Trump. The contents of the corresponding tweet sample exhibit Twitter-savvy techniques and populist stances by which the Trump campaign solicited that support: celebrity feuding, callouts to legacy media allies, featured fan comments, a blunt vernacular, and confrontational branding. The contents also illustrate ways in which users manifested their support: from the aforementioned high keyword volume to imitative behavior and the supplying of evidence to verify Trump’s contested claims during the debate.  相似文献   
108.
迈向法治新世纪 展望法学大趋势   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
21世纪是一个法治的世纪 ,也必将是一个法学大发展的世纪 ;参加本篇笔谈的 2 0余位学者 ,从各自不同的法学学科领域 ,以多方位的研究视角 ,展望了新世纪法治的未来走向和法学的发展趋势 ,提出了中国法制建设和中国法学研究正面临的许多新课题。  相似文献   
109.
为更好地推动中国问题的研究,日本于2007年启动了现代中国地区研究基地联合项目。文章就该项目研究基地的设立、研究主题、发行刊物、主要著述及研究活动进行分析汇总,发现当代中国地区研究呈现出研究领域广泛,研究主题针对性强,研究者队伍庞大,注重实证调查等特点。进而可以看出日本的中国研究出现了新动向:研究领域不再局限于传统的中国文史哲研究,更注重中国现实问题;研究方法上加强跨学科交流,锐意探索具有启示性的地区研究的方法论;不断加强研究的社会影响力,加大作为学术机构的社会贡献。  相似文献   
110.
假币犯罪是国际公认的社会危害性严重的一种犯罪。假币犯罪只是司法实践中的一种习惯称谓,其概念并非法律明确加以规定的,而是学理上的一种概括。假币犯罪具有集团化、专业化,流动性强,犯罪地域广,手段多样以及反侦查能力强等特点。随着科技的发展、打击力度的增加、群众防范意识的增强,假币犯罪在我国主要呈现新的发展趋势。  相似文献   
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