岷江上游民族地区生态环境退化与整治研究

在过去几十年 ,由于人口超过环境承载量 ,人们生产方式和生活方式落后 ,以及生态脆弱等诸多因素 ,导致岷江上游民族地区生态环境退化 ,如植被 ,草场 ,土地的退化及自然灾害频繁发生等。目前 ,区域贫困和生态环境退化已形成了恶性循环。本文根据生态环境退化的现状和人为活动的特点 ,提出了生态环境恢复和整治的对策 ,为岷江上游民族地区生态屏障的构建提出新思路。     

建国以来贵州少数民族地区农村土地制度变迁及其历史意义

新中国成立以来,贵州少数民族地区农村土地制度经历了农有农用、农有公用、公有公用、公有农用的变革历程。本文从历史的角度,旨在分析贵州少数民族地区农地制度的历次变革及意义,指出土地制度建设中存在的主要问题,以期为完善贵州农地制度提供必要的参考。     

贵州省少数民族自治地方人口素质研究

了解贵州少数民族自治地方人口素质的现状,分析形成的原因,提出解决问题的措施,促进贵州省少数民族自治地方人口素质的提高。     

冲突与融合:中国少数民族高等教育发展的思考

新中国成立以来 ,我国少数民族高等教育取得了很大进展 ,但由于历史、地理、经济、文化观念等原因 ,在新形势下中国少数民族高等教育仍显得相当落后 ,出现了一些值得关注的问题。本文针对少数民族高等教育中的问题 ,分析了造成这些问题的文化方面的原因 ,并提出了对策建议。     

民族地区高等师范院校面临的问题及其对策研究

民族地区高等师范院校面临办学理念的正确确立和一以贯之存在困难、教育资源短缺、投入严重不足、学科专业结构不尽合理、培养层次单一、生源质量不高、毕业生就业难度大、稳定和吸引人才困难、管理体制不适应发展需要等问题。本文提出这些问题 ,并给出相应的对策建议。     

Confidence in an election authority and satisfaction with democracy: Evidence from a quasi-natural experiment of a failed election in Sweden

Contemporary research on electoral integrity has focused on the functioning, evaluation, and legitimacy of electoral processes in emerging democracies. By contrast, this study investigates whether a failed election in a well-established democracy can affect individuals' evaluations of the electoral management body, the Election Authority, and whether those evaluations affect satisfaction with democracy. Using the case of a Swedish regional election in 2010 that had to be rerun due to procedural mistakes in the vote handling, we found that, in the short term, individuals’ confidence in the Election Authority was reduced after it was announced that the election had to be rerun because of the mistakes. Subsequently, this decreased confidence was strongly associated with less satisfaction with democracy at the regional and national level. As good news for the authority, after a successful rerun election, confidence rebounded to the levels prior to the failed election.     

提高公安院校思政课教学实效性初探

在国际国内形势和公安工作变化的新形势下,本文针对新时期公安院校大学生的思想特点,结合公安院校思想政治理论课教育教学现状,探寻提高公安院校思想政治理论课教学实效性的现实路径。通过对公安院校思想政治理论课教学所面临的新情况、新挑战的分析,提出有效对策和解决方案,不断增强公安院校的思想政治理论课教育和教学的实效性,以便实现公安院校思想政治理论课真正的"入脑、入心",对做好培养预备役警察思想政治教育工作,发挥思想政治理论课在公安人才培养中的价值具有极其重要和深刻的意义。     

House or home? Constituent preferences over legislator effort allocation

In many political systems legislators face a fundamental trade‐off between allocating effort to constituency service and to national policy‐making activities, respectively. How do voters want their elected representatives to solve this trade‐off? This article provides new insights into this question by developing a conjoint analysis approach to estimating voters’ preferences over their legislator's effort allocation. This approach is applied in Britain, where it is found that effort allocation has a significant effect on voter evaluations of legislators, even in a political system where other legislator attributes – in particular, party affiliation – might be expected to predominate. This effect is nonlinear, with voters generally preferring a moderate balance of constituency and national policy work. Preferences over legislator effort allocation are not well‐explained by self‐interest or more broadly by instrumental considerations. They are, however, associated with voters’ local‐cosmopolitan orientation, suggesting that heuristic reasoning based on underlying social dispositions may be more important in determining preferences over representative activities.     

Why Democratic Allies Defect Prematurely: Canadian and Dutch Unilateral Pullouts from the War in Afghanistan

Why do some democratic allies prematurely withdraw from ongoing military US-led coalition operations? Why are some democratic allies more reliable than others? This article proposes a multifactorial integrated framework consisting of several causal mechanisms drawn from ideological, domestic, and alliance explanations of premature defection. It compares and contrasts two neglected case studies, namely the Canadian and Dutch withdrawal of combat troops from NATO’s counterinsurgency mission in southern Afghanistan. The comparative analysis finds that democratic institutional designs, parliamentary war powers, leadership turnover, as well alliance dependence and threat perceptions did not play a meaningful role in both cases of premature defection. It rather finds that domestic elite consensus interacted with electoral calculations to account for pullout choices. Right-wing ideological beliefs held by state executives also slowed down the decision to withdraw, and alliance pressures interacted with domestic elite consensus to account for commitment renewal into a noncombat mission. The article concludes with some implications for the theory of democratic alliance reliability.