Analyzing decentralized resource regimes from a polycentric perspective

This article seeks to shed new light on the study of decentralized natural resource governance by applying institutional theories of polycentricity—the relationships among multiple authorities with overlapping jurisdictions. The emphasis on multi-level dynamics has not penetrated empirical studies of environmental policy reforms in non-industrial countries. On the contrary, many of today’s decentralization proponents seem to be infatuated with the local sphere, expecting that local actors are always able and willing to govern their natural resources effectively. Existing studies in this area often focus exclusively on characteristics and performance of local institutions. While we certainly do not deny the importance of local institutions, we argue that institutional arrangements operating at other governance scales—such as national government agencies, international organizations, NGOs at multiple scales, and private associations—also often have critical roles to play in natural resource governance regimes, including self-organized regimes.

中国在东南亚的国家角色构建及面临的角色冲突

根据角色理论,一国国家角色的构建需要在当前国际体系的背景下,通过内部定位与外部预期的互动才能得以实现。在互动的过程中,定位与预期往往会出现偏差,从而导致角色冲突的出现。角色冲突是国家角色构建过程中不可避免的现象,而中国在东南亚的国家角色构建正面临着不同程度的角色冲突,这些冲突不仅为中国推进周边外交带来挑战,也为与东盟国家共建“一带一路”和“命运共同体”带来一些阻碍。鉴于引发角色冲突的原因不仅涉及中国自身角色定位与东盟国家的传统认知思维,还受到来自域外守成国的影响,因此缓解角色冲突需构建一套完善自身角色、照顾他者情绪且能应对“不怀好意”冲击的“组合拳”。     

中国对发展中国家政策的布局

由于地域、历史以及经济发展状况的原因,不同地区的发展中国家在中国对外关系布局中的地位有所不同,中国与它们关系的状况也有别。与周边发展中国家的友好合作关系成为中国对外关系中的首要;与广大非洲发展中国家的关系仍然是中国对外关系中最可以信赖的基础;与拉美发展中国家关系虽然起步晚,但近年来发展迅速,重要性日益增加。     

清末商标法律订立的肇始——中外续约谈判中最早涉及的商标保护条款

中国正式引入商标保护制度始于清末中英通商行船续订条约的谈判和规定。随后,清政府和英、美、日等国签订了一系列的通商行船续订条约,其中均规定了商标保护条款。尽管它们都是不平等条约,但是有关商标保护条款的订立,给中国人淡漠的商标保护意识以很大的冲击,为近代商标保护和管理、以及随后清末第一部商标法的颁布都起了推动作用。     

经济不发达国家推进民主进程应注意的问题

目前经济不发达国家推进民主进程应注意 :经济进程与民主进程要协调发展 ,既不因经济落后而放弃推进民主的努力 ,也不要盲目脱离经济现状提出不切实际的民主要求 ;推进民主进程应先后有序 ,从低到高 ,注意协调好推进民主进程与保持政治稳定的关系 ;经济不发达国家的民主进程必须有领导地进行 ,要加强民主秩序化。     

False and Reluctant Friends? National Money Laundering Regulation,International Compliance and Non-Cooperative Countries

In the aftermath of September 11th, growing attention has been paid to the role of Non-Cooperative Countries and Territories (NCCT) in money laundering and terrorist financing. The paper, applying the new political economy approach in the law and economics field, provides a model to describe, through the policymaker payoff maximization, the relationships between specific country features and endowments, on the one hand, and lax financial regulations, on the other hand. Given that in the real world relatively lax regulation means a non-cooperative attitude in the international fight against money laundering and terrorist financing we empirically test the above theoretical relationship in the case of the NCCT jurisdictions. The policy consequences on the pros and cons of international blacklisting procedures are discussed.JEL K42, G28     

Women's Capabilities and the Right to Education in Bangladesh

The World Bank promotes women's education because it is an input into human capital. In the capabilities approach, education is a force that enables women to have expanded choices. Using data from in-depth interviews conducted in two villages in 1996 and 2000, we examine how rural Bangladeshis perceive women's education and to what extent those perceptions concur with the World Bank's instrumentalist view and with the capabilities approach. Parents educate their daughters because women's education is valued in the marriage market, and marriage is the best way to secure their daughters' well-being. Schooling has also enhanced women's capabilities by increasing their earning potential.     

论构建WTO框架下竞争法协调机制

从竞争法法律冲突产生的原因和国际上现有的处理竞争法法律冲突的协调模式展开论述,分析了在WTO框架下建立国际竞争规则协调机制的必然性和可能性,并对WTO框架下竞争法协调机制在实体和程序方面的构成提出了建议。     

The Group of 77 in the international climate negotiations: recent developments and future directions

First, we describe and analyze the main set of G77 positions in the climate negotiations and the dynamics behind the emergence of these positions. While it is puzzling that the G77 has managed to maintain itself as a group in spite of internal differences along variables as prosperity, emissions and vulnerability to climate change, we claim that a core element behind this cohesion is that these countries share domestic governance problems as much as poverty and economic underdevelopment. Second, we discuss how recent trends of economic and political development in the third world influence the climate policy strategies of the G77 group in the future. The main factor here is the economicand social progress in states like China, India and Brazil, which separates them from the poorer and less powerful G77 states. Increasing heterogeneity along variables like governance, growth, and importance for the international economy is creating an increasing drive among the most successful G77 states towards bilateral agreements with industrialised powers. We do not foresee a departure from traditional G77 positions and membership by these states in the official climate negotiations or a departure from the Kyoto process, but an increasing reliance on bilateral agreements with industrialized countries that link considerations for energy security and the environment. The ability to gain these advantages without commitments may make these states less interested in adopting commitments for the post-Kyoto period. This is unfortunate for the LDCs and the AOSIS groups within the G77, who probably are most vulnerable to climate change.

Immigration to Ghana

Abstract

The globalization of international labor migration is manifest in all countries now engaging in migration systems that are growing in size and complexity and producing an increasing diversity of flows. Furthermore, many of the processes that create and drive these systems operate on a worldwide basis, the consequence of economic globalization, capital mobility and widespread realization by governments that human resources can be traded for profit like any other resource.

This paper looks at Ghana's immigration policy in the light of its economic situation. It characterizes Ghana's immigration policy as geared towards using immigration to attract critical foreign investment, transfer of technology and human resource capital/skills for socio-economic development. Running concurrently is the policy to prevent illegal immigration, transnational crime, economic exploitation, social corruption and human trafficking.

The paper concludes that when the economic situation of Ghana was buoyant in the 1960s it attracted many immigrants especially from neighboring West African countries, however when the country's economy saw a down turn, immigrants were used as a convenient scapegoat and many were expelled. The irony though is that while the current poor economic situation of Ghana has made Ghanaians to immigrate to other countries, the political stability of the country does attract other West Africans and non-Africans and it is affording the country the opportunity to streamline its immigration and citizenship laws.