零售终端商业模式的演进及其适应

近年来,日益激烈的竞争导致渠道的扁平化与渠道控制中心向渠道终端或消费者购买一极转移,同时零售终端的商业模式也发生着巨大的变革。对面如此变化,制造商与分销商应调整其分销渠道。零售终端商业模式是分销渠道调整首先考虑的问题。要从研究消费者渠道偏好与购买准则入手,认识与把握零售终端商业模式的演进规律,找到零售终端策略的改进思路。     

浅析免与官当

免与官当是我国封建社会中两种适用于官吏犯罪的规定,它们反映了我国封建社会尊卑贵贱的等级制度。然而,两者在性质、适用范围、具体操作、法律后果上均有共同点和差异之处,笔者在此予以浅析。     

褪黑素对吗啡依赖大鼠复吸行为的影响

目的 建立大鼠条件性位置偏爱模型(CPP),探讨褪黑素对吗啡依赖大鼠复吸行为的影响。方法连续6d按剂量递增法于大鼠皮下注射吗啡,诱导实验组和吗啡对照组大鼠CPP形成,然后用盐水替代吗啡皮下注射大鼠10d,使CPP逐渐消退后,再用吗啡4mg/kg单次引燃注射激发消退的条件性位置偏爱复燃,3个实验组分别在注射吗啡前30min腹腔注射褪黑素20mg/、40mg/kg和80mg/kg,分别观察各组大鼠行为。结果 经6d吗啡训练后,实验组和吗啡对照组大鼠在伴药箱的停留时间显著延长,吗啡诱导的大鼠CPP形成;停用吗啡后,经10d的生理盐水注射,吗啡诱导的大鼠CPP逐渐消退;吗啡4mg/kg单次引燃注射使大鼠消退的CPP恢复,而实验组可以剂量依赖性地减弱大鼠CPP恢复。结论 吗啡诱导大鼠CPP形成,褪黑素在一定程度抑制吗啡依赖大鼠的复吸行为。     

当代中国地方政府行为模式分析：政府偏好—政府过程—政府工具视角

政府偏好、政府过程、政府工具三个范畴共同构成的分析框架是研究当代中国地方政府行为模式的有效工具。从这个角度分析当代中国地方政府行为模式,其基本特征表现为：上级政府需求主导型政府偏好、精英政策模式为主轴的政府过程和强制性工具为主体的政府工具选择结构。     

Law Like Poetry – Burnt Norton

Poetry and law are usually cast in opposition but there is a little regarded dimension of responsiveness in law which would incline them towards similarity. The opposition and the similarity are amplified in various instances. Then similarity is affirmed in an involvement in the first of T.S. Eliot'sFour Quartets, ``Burnt Norton'. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Similarity in husbands and wives party family preference in the Netherlands

Using insights from theories on marital homogamy and political behaviour, this research examines the tendency of husbands and wives to vote for the same party family. It disentangles the extent to which similarity in party family preference can be explained by (1) partners choosing one another because of their shared socio-economic position and (2) partners influencing one another. For this purpose, we conducted probit regression models with instrumental variables using data from the 2000 and 2003 Dutch Family Survey. Using instrumental variables to analyze endogenous relationships, we found that Dutch partners tend to support parties belonging to the same party family (left, confessional or right). There is some support for the idea that similarity in preference for a leftist and confessional party is – at least partly – a by-product of ‘self-selection’, i.e. the preference for a partner who is similar in socio-economic characteristics to oneself. As regards rightist voting, there does not seem to be an effect of similarity in socio-economic characteristics. Similarity in preference for a rightist party rather seems to be uniquely the result of mutual influence.     

Another look at across-crime similarity coefficients for use in behavioural linkage analysis: an attempt to replicate Woodhams,Grant, and Price (2007)

Abstract

In the absence of physical evidence, investigators must often rely on offence behaviours when determining whether several crimes are linked to a common offender. A variety of factors can potentially influence the degree to which accurate linking is possible, including the similarity coefficient used to assess across-crime similarity. The current study examines the performance of two similarity coefficients that have recently been compared to one another, Jaccard's coefficient (J) and the taxonomic similarity index (Δ_s), using samples of two crime types, serial homicide (N=237) and serial burglary (N=210). In contrast to previous research, the results indicate that Δ_s does not significantly outperform J with respect to linking accuracy. In addition, both coefficients lead to higher levels of linking accuracy in cases of serial homicide compared to serial burglary. Potential explanations for these findings are presented and their implications are discussed.     

Citizen Preference and Resource Allocation: The Case for Participatory Budgeting in Seoul

This article seeks to measure the extent to which the service priorities of citizens of Seoul, South Korea, are reflected in corresponding resource allocations in the city's budget, despite there being virtually no participation by citizens in the budget creation process. We find a less than perfect congruence between budget allocations and citizen preferences at both the city and district level. Given these results, we discuss the potential for participatory budgeting to address discrepancies in resource allocation by focusing on the unique demographic and cultural makeup of Seoul constituencies.     

Reputational leadership and preference similarity: Explaining organisational collaboration in bank policy networks

This article contributes to our understanding of the formation of policy networks. Research suggests that organisations collaborate with those that are perceived to be influential in order to access scarce political resources. Other studies show that organisations prefer to interact with those that share core policy beliefs on the basis of trust. This article seeks to develop new analytical tools for testing these alternative hypotheses. First, it measures whether perceptions of reputational leadership affect the likelihood of an organisation being the target or instigator of collaboration with others. Second, it tests whether the degree of preference similarity between two organisations makes them more or less likely to collaborate. The article adopts a mixed‐methods approach, combining exponential random graph models (ERGM) with qualitative interviews, to analyse and explain organisational collaboration around United Kingdom banking reform. It is found that reputational leadership and preference similarity exert a strong, positive and complementary effect on network formation. In particular, leadership is significant whether this is measured as an organisational attribute or as an individually held perception. Evidence is also found of closed or clique‐like network structures, and heterophily effects based on organisational type. These results offer significant new insights into the formation of policy networks in the banking sector and the drivers of collaboration between financial organisations.     

To survive is all: How the authoritarian core tackles neighboring dictatorships

This article attempts to answer why autocrats of illiberal regional powers intervene in the politics of neighboring dictatorships and argues that the dictator always prioritizes his survival and thus intervenes if he perceives his survival to be under direct threat. The formal model proposes three factors that determine the level of perceived threat: demographic composition, structural similarity, and regime dynamic of autocratic countries. The authoritarian core must pay close attention to those neighboring autocratic countries that are suffering from regime change, are close to its own densely populated region, and have regime types or social structure similar to itself. Additionally, if hostile ethnic or religious groups are highly concentrated in some areas of the authoritarian core where it borders autocracies experiencing regime instability, the authoritarian core will be motivated to intervene in the domestic affairs of those neighboring countries. Using QCA and case studies, this article confirmed that whether an authoritarian core will take action against countries in geographical proximity depends on a combination of these three factors.