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241.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(2):288-313
The War on Drugs popularized a set of policies and practices that dramatically increased the number of drug arrests, particularly for low-level drug offenses. The War’s tactics have affected Americans of every race; however, minorities have been most dramatically affected. There are several explanations for the observed racial disparity in drug arrests, but relatively little research directly tests these explanations. In this study, we test three common explanations of racial disparities in drug arrest rates. We find that racial disparities in drug arrests cannot be explained by differences in drug offending, nondrug offending, or residing in the kinds of neighborhoods likely to have heavy police emphasis on drug offending. Our findings are most consistent with explanations focusing on racial bias in drug sanctions. 相似文献
242.
Jacqueline Battalora 《美中法律评论》2010,(10):13-26
This article takes as a starting point, key claims from studies of the invention of the human category "white" during the late Seventeenth Century in Colonial North America: that "white" reflecting a unique group of humanity was an invention deployed to divide laborers; that white people were by law assigned greater material value and rendered more valuable; and that those who were seen as white were thought to be like the British and believed to be superior to those seen as nonwhite. Each of these claims will be briefly reviewed. Building upon the foundation of whiteness studies in law and history, this article explores what Ian F. Haney Lopez identifies as the "common knowledge" of race, the legal standard established within naturalization prerequisite cases in order to determine whether one was racially "white" by law. This article works to bridge the ideas revealed through studies of the invention of white people within Colonial North America and this legal standard that emerged in the 1920s. U.S. expansionism, immigration and naturalization law in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries provide critical areas of inquiry for the developing understanding of the "common knowledge" of race and the role of law in the construction of race. 相似文献
243.
This article seeks to examine thecurrent scope of the equitable principle that``equity will not allow a statute to be used asan instrument of fraud'. In particular, itexamines the meaning of fraud in this contextand the question whether the so-called rule inRochefoucauld in Boustead [1897] 1 Ch.196 can be applied legitimately in theenforcement of informal rights for the benefitof third parties. 相似文献
244.
245.
喻亚平 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2003,18(3):13-14,23
现代行政管理范围不断扩张 ,随之而来的是自由裁量权的扩大。然而 ,自由裁量权是一把双刃剑 ,必须要对其加以严格的规制 ,否则 ,会给法治社会造成伤害 相似文献
246.
张荣东 《山东行政学院学报》2004,(4):22-23
近年来 ,我国的城市化步伐逐步加快 ,但仍大大低于世界城市化的平均水平。影响我国城市化发展的主要因素有重工业优先发展战略 ,牺牲农业保工业政策 ,以户籍为基础的城乡分割的二元结构 ,等等 相似文献
247.
《Journal of school violence》2013,12(2):35-49
Abstract Despite longstanding efforts towards gender equity and current yet intense focus on school safety, the simple right of boys and girls to an equitable and safe school environment-not to have to negotiate inequity or violence as part of their school day-has yet to be secured. In this article we review the development of “gender equity” and “school safety” as concepts out of which various practices have arisen and argue that these conceptualizations have not proved sufficient to eradicate the problems each targets. We then propose a new approach to this goal of creating and insuring an equitable and safe school environment for girls and boys which sifts out, braids together and builds upon key aspects of gender equity and school safety but is grounded in the articulation of a “missing discourse” of gender within each. Gender safety is built on an acknowledgment of gender as a set of ideologies which are produced reproduced and sustained within (and beyond) school classrooms and hallways. We suggest that a lack of attention to these ideologies is a significant and unrecognized barrier in the are nas of both gender equity and school safety. A key feature of our formulation is the psychosocial significance of gender ideologies in adolescents' daily experiences and in school cultures and climates. Despite longstanding efforts towards gender equity and current yet intense focus on school safety, the simple right of boys and girls to an equitable and safe school environment-not to have to negotiate inequity or violence as part of their school day-has yet to be secured. In this article we review the development of “gender equity” and “school safety” as concepts out of which various practices have arisen and argue that these conceptualizations have not proved sufficient to eradicate the problems each targets. We then propose a new approach to this goal of creating and insuring an equitable and safe school environment for girls and boys which sifts out, braids together and builds upon key aspects of gender equity and school safety but is grounded in the articulation of a “missing discourse” of gender within each. Gender safety is built on an acknowledgment of gender as a set of ideologies which are produced reproduced and sustained within (and beyond) school classrooms and hallways. We suggest that a lack of attention to these ideologies is a significant and unrecognized barrier in the are nas of both gender equity and school safety. A key feature of our formulation is the psychosocial significance of gender ideologies in adolescents' daily experiences and in school cultures and climates. 相似文献
248.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):5-18
The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories. 相似文献
249.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(4):321-336
ABSTRACTA year after the death of Michael Banton, Solomos focuses on his contributions to the study of race and ethnic relations. Over a period that began in the 1950s and continued until his death on 22 May 2018, Banton continued to make important contributions to a number of scholarly areas, including the study of race relations in urban communities, the history of racial thought, policing and community relations, and the understanding of race equality policies. His work in all of these areas has helped to shape a field of scholarship and research, and is likely to remain a point of reference for future generations of researchers. In reflecting on Banton’s varied contributions Solomos argues that there is much to be gained from engaging with his work. He concludes by exploring some of the critiques of his key contributions. 相似文献
250.
文章通过对合同制度中的两个重要免责事由,即情势变更与不可抗力的概念分析,进一步比较了二者的异同之处,以有助于在合同法理论与实践中更全面准确地把握与应用。 相似文献