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11.
This article illuminates how performances of gender, race, and sexuality are integrated with representations of food and food performance in contemporary American cooking television. Interrogating the intersections of food, gender, race, sexuality, and performance, this essay explores how the cable-television show, Down Home with the Neelys, depicts a nouveau gastro-porn anchored in the perceived pornographic level of blackness itself. The author reveals the ways that food and performances of food become a medium of gendering and racialization employed by American popular media. Through the lens of reality television, shows like Down Home (re)produce a certain type of black heterosexuality and gendered enactments of domesticity and space, while challenging dominant televisual reflections of black love and labor. The author argues that the Neelys self-consciously employ a vernacular aesthetic performative of “down home” (a uniquely classed, temporally–spatially situated, and sexualized blackness) to exploit the phenomenon of gastro-porn in a highly lucrative performance that signals the entangled artifice of gender, race, and sexuality. More than offering culinary expertise and education, such cooking instruction reveals the pedagogy of gender, race, and sexuality as visual lessons of a complex and contradictory authenticity. This essay reveals television cooking shows as critical sites for considering the domestic laboring of gendered and racialized sexualities. In particular, shows like Down Home evince the ways that race continues to be rendered in visual terms and the enduring edibility of blackness.  相似文献   
12.
While scholars have found that Trump was able to capitalize on the racial attitudes of white voters, it is less clear how these racial attitudes influenced vote-choice across partisan and ideological cleavages in the electorate. It is also unclear whether racial attitudes affected voting at the congressional level or electoral outcomes at the aggregate level. Using a novel measure of racial attitudes at the subnational level and survey data, we make three clear findings: (1) Trump and Republican congressional candidates benefited from conservative racial attitudes both at the aggregate level and among white voters, (2) this electoral benefit for Republicans persisted during the 2018 midterm elections, and (3) the effect of attitudes on vote-choice did not significantly vary across partisan and ideological cleavages in the white electorate. Our findings suggest that, even during the era of highly nationalized and partisan elections, racial attitudes are still a mechanism by which Republicans can win significant electoral support among Democrats and relatively liberal voters in the white electorate. These findings have implications for the growing salience of race in the Republican electoral coalition.  相似文献   
13.
在西方发达国家中,美国是除日本外唯一保留死刑的国家,其死刑政策受到了其他西方发达国家、国际人权组织和社会进步团体的强烈抨击。本文以国际社会为视角,揭示了美国死刑制度中存在的对未成年人和精神智障者适用死刑、人种歧视、忽视被逮捕的外国人应当享有的权利几方面的问题,以及这些问题产生的原因和本质。  相似文献   
14.
多元文化政策下的阴影——试析澳大利亚的反种族歧视   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
澳大利亚政府自二十世纪七十年代以来 ,逐步废除了白澳政策 ,推行多元文化政策。但二十年来 ,白澳政策阴魂不散 ,不时爆发种族主义事件和言论 ,华人和其他亚裔人深爱其害。另一方面 ,澳大利亚的种族主义也受到本国主流社会、亚洲国家和华侨华人的批评和反对。本文试就对种族主义的表现、发生的原因以及各方面的态度和反应作进一步的探讨。  相似文献   
15.
东西文明调和论是日俄战争后在日本思想界兴起的一股带有文明使命观性质的思想潮流,其代表人物是大隈重信。该理论是作为解决当时欧美排斥日本移民问题的思想手段登上历史舞台的,其核心内容是"对于东洋来说,日本是西洋文明的介绍者;对于西洋来说,日本是东洋文明的代表者"。该理论为大隈重信的对外政策论:"支那保全论"和"日英同盟论"提供了理论支持。该理论具有对西洋先进国的从属性和对落后于西洋的东洋后进诸国的优越性的双重性质,其特征是完全无视东洋后进诸国的主权和自主性,因此最终沦为日本帝国主义对亚洲实施侵略的意识形态。  相似文献   
16.
A generation of research studies that were conducted in multiple states and covered different time periods has found evidence that individuals who kill white victims encounter a greater risk of facing the death penalty than killers of black victims. More recently, research has also examined the likelihood of death penalty processing for black defendants who kill white victims in comparison with other defendant–victim race groups. In particular, a study in Maryland conducted by Paternoster et al. (2003) found evidence that offenders in black defendant–white victim cases were more likely to be death noticed by prosecutors and to receive a death sentence than other offenders. A recent analysis by Berk, Li, and Hickman (2005) raised questions about some of these findings. In this article, we conduct new analyses and conclude that black defendants who kill white victims face a greater risk of adverse treatment than other types of defendants.  相似文献   
17.
Our goal in this article is to contribute conceptually and empirically to assessments of the racial invariance hypothesis, which posits that structural disadvantage predicts violent crime in the same way for all racial and ethnic groups. Conceptually, we elucidate the scope of the racial invariance hypothesis and clarify the criteria used for evaluating it. Empirically, we use 1999–2001 averaged arrest data from California and New York to extend analyses of the invariance hypothesis within the context of the scope and definitional issues raised in our conceptual framing—most notably by including Hispanic comparisons with Blacks and Whites, by examining the invariance assumption for homicide as well as the violent crime index, by using discrete as well as composite disadvantage measures, and by using census place localities as the study unit. The mixed findings we report from our comparisons (across Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics; offense types; and type of disadvantage) suggest caution and uncertainty about the notion that structural sources of violence affect racial/ethnic groups in uniform ways. We conclude that the hypothesis should be regarded as provisional, and its scope remains to be established as to whether it applies only under narrow conditions or is a principle of general applicability.  相似文献   
18.
艾丽丝.沃克的代表作《紫色》,出色地继承前辈南方黑人女性文学的优秀传统,将主人公茜莉塑造为一个重要的象征,用来揭示黑人妇女所受的双重压迫,即:既受白人的压迫,又受黑人男人的奴役。由此种族歧视和性别歧视作为两条并列主线架构起这部颇具批判意味的现实主义小说,进而沃克就解决这两大社会问题做出了积极的开拓性探讨,提出了其著名的妇女主义思想。  相似文献   
19.
In the United States the phenomenon of racial profiling has emerged as an important and controversial issue within political and criminal justice policy debates. For the most part, these debates have assumed a sort of racism at work in order to explain law enforcement's use of criminal profiles largely determined by racial classifications. Accordingly, many have worked to expose this allegedly racist behavior in the hopes that such exposure will bring an end to the practice. This essay argues that racial profiling is embedded in much larger social developments that must be explored in order to understand the role race now plays in the maintenance of social order in contemporary American society.  相似文献   
20.
This study evaluates the assumption that deprivation among African Americans and racial inequality lead to black interracial homicide due to racial conflict and antagonism. Using refined race‐adjusted Supplemental Homicide Report data, Uniform Crime Report data and census data, we test an alternative hypothesis that draws on the macrostructural opportunity theory to assess and more accurately specify the relationship between structural characteristics and black interracial homicide. We find that first, the relationship between economic factors and black interracial homicide can be explained in large part by high rates of financially motivated crime such as robbery, and second, that economic factors are associated with financially motivated but not expressive black interracial killings. Analyses of black intraracial killings are performed for comparison purposes. Collectively, the findings suggest that conflict‐based explanations rooted in racial antagonism and frustration aggression may be premature.  相似文献   
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